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HOUSE 


No.  1697 


■* 


Cfte  CommontBealtl)  of  ^assaclfustm. 


REPORT 


Commission  on 
Minimum  Wage  Boards, 


January,    1912 


BOSTON: 

WEIGHT  &  POTTER  FEINTING  CO.,  STATE  PEINTEES, 

18  Post  Office  Square. 

1912. 


<»"SS^ 


«9 


4 


CONTENTS 


Part  I:—  p^gb 

Members  of  Commission  on  Minimum  Wage  Boards,          .  5 

Resolve  providing  for  the  Appointment  of  the  Commission,  .  6 

Report  of  the  Commission, 7 

BUI, .28 

Part  II:  — 

Report  of  the  Secretary, 34 

Appendix:  — 

A.  The  Woman  Adrift, 183 

B.  The  Human  Story, 186 

C.  Report  on  Cotton  Industry,        .       .       .       .       .       .  190 

D.  What  is  a  Living  Wage? 209 

E.  -Summary  of  Bureau  of  Statistics  —  Report  on  Manu- 

factures,        239 

F.  General  Tables, 251 


258125 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Arcinive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/detaifeA)brtihiissireportofOOniassrich 


MEMBERS  OF  THE  COMMISSION. 


HENRY  LEFAVOUR,  Chairman. 
RICHARD  OLNEY,  2d. 
JOHN  GOLDEN. 
ELIZABETH  G.  EVANS. 
GEORGE  W.  ANDERSON. 


Mary  W.  Dewson,  Secretary, 


RESOLVE  PROVIDING  FOR  THE  APPOINTMENT 
OF  THE  COMMISSION. 


Chapter  71,  Resolves  op  1911. 
Resolve  to  provide  for  the  Appointment  of  a  Commission  to 

INVESTIGATE  THE  WaGES  OF  WOMEN  AND  MiNORS  AND  TO  REPORT 

ON  THE  Advisability  of  establishing  Minimum  Wage  Boards. 

Resolved,  That  the  governor,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
council,  shall,  within  thirty  days  after  the  passage  Of  this  resolve, 
appoint  a  commission  of  five  persons,  citizens  of  the  commonwealth, 
of  whom  at  least  one  shall  be  a  woman,  one  shall  be  a  representative  of 
labor  and  one  shall  be  a  representative  of  employers,  to  study  the 
matter  of  wages  of  women  and  minors,  and  to  report  on  the  advisability 
of  establishing  a  board  or  boards  to  which  shall  be  referred  inquiries  as 
to  the  need  and  feasibility  of  fixing  miniifium  rates  of  wages  for  women 
or  minors  in  any  industry.  The  said  commission  may  employ  experts 
and  all  necessary  clerical  and  other  assistance  and  may  incur  such 
reasonable  expenses,  including  travelling  expenses,  as  may  be  author- 
ized by  the  governor  and  council.  Before  incurring  any  expenses  the 
commission  shall,  from  time  to  time,  estimate  its  probable  amount,  and 
submit  the  estimate  to  the  governor  and  council  for  their  approval,  and 
no  expense  shall  be  incurred  by  the  commission  beyond  the  amount  so 
estimated  and  approved.  The  commissioners  shall  serve  without  pay 
and  shall  report  to  the  general  court  on  or  before  the  second  Wednesday 
in  January,  nineteen  hundred  and  twelve,  with  such  drafts  of  bills,  if 
any,  as  may  be  necessary  to  carry  its  recommendations  into  effect. 
To  carry  out  the  purposes  of  this  resolve  there  may  be  expended  from 
the  treasury  of  the  commonwealth  a  sum  not  exceeding  two  thousand 
dollars.     [Approved  May  11,  1911. 


Part  I, 


Eeport  of  the  Commission  on  Minimum  Wage 

BOAEDS. 


I 


To  the  General  Court  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 

The  Commission  on  Minimum  Wage  Boards,  appointed  and 
acting  under  the  provisions  of  chapter  71  of  the  Resolves 
of  1911,  herewith  respectfully  submits  its  report. 

The  commission  appointed  as  its  secretary  Miss  Mary  W. 
Dewson,  formerly  superintendent  of  probation  of  the  State 
Industrial  School  for  Girls,  and  to  her  able  and  efficient  organi- 
zation and  supervision  of  the  investigations  which  have  been 
conducted  the  commission  is  deeply  indebted.  The  commis- 
sion has  held  twenty-four  meetings,  three  of  which  were  public 
hearings,  and  has  conferred  with  employers,  economists,  repre- 
sentatives of  labor  organizations,  social  workers  and  other 
persons  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the  conditions  of  labor 
and  with  the  needs  of  working  people.  It  is  especially  indebted 
to  professors  Emily  G.  Balch  and  Susan  M.  Kingsbury  for  their 
personal  inquiries  into  the  working  of  the  English  minimum 
wage  law  during  their  sojourn  in  England  last  summer,  and  to 
Prof.  Arthur  N.  Holcombe  of  Harvard  University  for  his 
valuable  advice  and  assistance. 

The  commission  was  instructed  by  the  Legislature  to  study 
the  matter  of  wages  of  women  and  minors  in  the  Common- 
wealth. The  total  number  of  females  engaged  in  gainful 
occupations  of  all  kinds  is  given  in  the  Census  of  1905  as  380,675. 
The  only  statistics  as  to  their  wages  were  published  by  the  State 
in  a  table  prepared  by  the  Bureau  of  Statistics  in  1908,  giving 
the  classified  wages  of  144,935  women  over  twenty-one  years 
of  age  and  of  80,944  persons  under  twenty-one  years  of  age  for 


8         -  jv:  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

the  various  manufacturing  industries  of  the  State.  An  abstract 
of  this  table  accompanies  this  report.  As  a  minor  is  defined 
by  law  in  all  matters  relative  to  the  employment  of  labor 
(chapter  514,  Acts  of  1909)  to  be  a  person  under  eighteen  years 
of  age,  and  as  the  number  of  women  at  work  between  the  ages 
of  eighteen  and  twenty-one  is  very  large,  the  information  in 
this  table  was  not  sufficient  even  for  the  manufacturing  indus- 
tries, and  no  adequate  data  were  available  for  any  of  the  other 
occupations. 

In  order,  however,  to  obtain  an  accurate  view  of  the  con- 
dition of  labor  so  far  as  the  women  and  minors  are  concerned, 
it  is  especially  of  service  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  not  only 
the  wage  schedules,  but  the  actual  weekly  and  annual  earnings, 
the  variation  of  these  earnings  with  age  and  experience,  the 
irregularity  of  employment  due  both  to  industrial  conditions 
and  to  the  physical  exhaustion  and  ill  health  of  the  employees, 
the  economic  status  of  the  workers  in  so  far  as  they  are  aided 
by  other  members  of  a  family  group,  or  by  charity,  or  are 
themselves  called  on  to  support  others.  To  have  made  a  com- 
plete study  of  the  industrial  situation  would  have  required  a 
longer  time  and  a  very  much  larger  appropriation  than  were 
at  the  disposal  of  the  commission.  Had  it  not  been  for  the 
very  generous  donation  of  $2,000  from  pubhc-spirited  citizens, 
and  the  sympathetic  co-operation  of  a  number  of  employers, 
who  placed  their  wage  sheets  at  the  disposal  of  the  investi- 
gators, very  little  could  have  been  added  to  the  meager  in- 
formation already  published. 

Owing  to  the  limitation  of  time  and  money,  it  was  necessary 
to  restrict  the  study  to  a  few  occupations.  Most  of  the  infor- 
mation desired  with  respect  to  the  cotton  industry  had  been 
published  by  the  federal  government  in  the  first  volume  of  its 
compendious  investigation  into  the  "Condition  of  Women  and 
Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States."  An  abstract  from 
this  report,  and  also  from  a  subsequent  volume  bearing  on  the 
domestic  and  other  data  of  saleswomen  in  Boston,  is  given 
in  the  Appendix  to  this  report.  Conformable  to  recommenda- 
tions made  by  persons  familiar  with  industrial  conditions,  the 
commission  decided  to  conduct  an  investigation  into  the  con- 
dition of  employees  in  the  confectionery  factories,  the  retail 


d 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


9 


stores  and  the  laundries;  the  first  representing  a  large  Massa- 
chusetts industry  with  interstate  competition,  and  the  other 
two  nonmanufacturing  occupations  with  only  local  competition. 


The  Wage  Situation. 

Altogether,  wage  schedules  were  gathered  from  6,900  persons, 
and  a  certain  amount  of  personal  and  domestic  data  for  4,672 
persons.  Employees  in  91  establishments  in  18  localities  were 
investigated.  The  detailed  result  of  the  investigation  is  pre- 
sented in  the  annexed  report  of  the  secretary. 

From  the  federal  report  referred  to,  the  wages  and  a  limited 
amount  of  information  as  to  the  personal  and  domestic  condi- 
tion were  learned  concerning  8,378  female  cotton  operatives 
employed  in  22  establishments,  and  very  full  domestic  data 
were  gathered  concerning  438  families  containing  2,626  persons, 
each  of  these  families  having  a  woman  or  a  child  wage  earner 
in  a  cotton  mill.  Thus  altogether,  information,  more  or  less 
detailed  but  all  of  a  thoroughly  reliable  character,  being  based 
upon  pay  rolls  and  first-hand  inquiries  by  trained  investigators, 
Was  gathered  covering  15,278  female  wage  earners  engaged  in 
four  different  occupations  in  the  Commonwealth. 

The  following  tables  show  the  number  of  employees  whose 
ages  were  ascertained,  and  their  average  weekly  earnings:  — 

Number  of  Workers  investigated. 


Confec- 
tionery. 

Stores. 

Tiaiindries. 

Cotton. 

Total. 

Under  18 

Over  18 

301    • 
1,218 

467 
2,861 

130 
847 

1,088 
6,933 

1,986 
11,859 

Total,      .... 

1,519 

3,328 

977 

8,021 

13,845 

Number  of  Employees  investigated  under  Eighteen,  with  Classified  Wages. 


Under 
$4. 

$4  to 
$4.99. 

$5  to 
$5.99. 

$6  to 
$6.99. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Total. 

Confectionery,     . 
Stores,  . 
Laundries,    . 
Cotton, 

110 

310 

22 

311 

130 
103 
54 

•204 

40 

37 

40 

209 

18 

10 

10 

166 

2 
4 
4 

77 

1 
3 

121 

301 

467 

130 

1,088 

Total,     . 

753 

491 

326 

204 

87 

125 

1.986 

10 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Number  of  Employees  investigated  over  Eighteen,  with  Classified  Wages. 


Under 
$4. 

n.^. 

$5  to 
$5.99. 

n.s. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 

Over. 

Total. 

Confectionery,     . 
Stores, . 
Laundries,   . 
Cotton, 

197 
90 
23 

860 

302 
201 
113 

732 

296 

655 

209 

1,033 

206 

626 

164 

1,045 

133 
368 
127 
958 

84 

1,131 

211 

2,305 

1,218 

2.861 

847 

6,933 

Total,    .        . 

1,170 

1.348 

2,093 

1,941 

1,676 

3,731 

11.869 

Distribution  of  Wages  by  Percentages  —  Women  over  Eighteen. 


Under 
$4. 

$4  to 
$4.99. 

$5  to 
$5.99. 

$6  to 
$6.99. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Candy  factories,    . 

16.2 

24.8 

24.2 

17.1  • 

10.8 

6.9 

RetaU  stores. 

3.1 

7.1 

19.3 

8.4 

12.5 

39.6 

Laundries,     .... 

2.7 

13.4 

24.6 

19.4 

15.0 

24.9 

Cotton, 

12.4 

10.6 

14.9 

16.1 

13.8 

33.2 

Total 

9.9 

12.3 

16.7 

16.4 

13.3 

31.4 

Cumulative  Wage  Percentages  - 

-  Women  over  Eighteen. 

1 

Under 
$4. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Candy  factories,    . 
RetaU  stores. 

Laundries 

Cotton,  ... 

16.2 
3.1 
2.7 

12.4 

41.0 
10.2 
16.1 
23.0 

65.2 
29.5 
40.7 
37.9 

82.3 
47.9 
60.1 
53.0 

93.1 
60.4 
75.1 
66.8 

6.9 
39.6 
24.9 
33.2 

Total 

9.9 

22.2 

38.9 

55.3 

68.6 

31.4 

By  the  above  figures  it  is  seen  that  41  per  cent,  of  the  candy- 
workers,  10.2  per  cent,  of  the  saleswomen,  16.1  per  cent,  of 
the  laundry  workers  and  23  per  cent,  of  the  cotton  workers 
earn  less  than  $5  a  week,  and  that,  respectively,  65.2  per  cent., 
29.5  per  cent.,  40.7  per  cent,  and  37.9  per  cent,  of  them  earn 
less  than  $6  a  week.  In  these  four  industries,  therefore,  we 
find  low  wage  rates  for  a  very  considerable  number  of  persons. 

The  question  how  far  the  wages  of  the  above  four  industries 
may  be  taken  as  representative  of  conditions  broadly  prevalent 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


11 


is  answered  in  part  by  the  figures  supplied  by  the  Bureau  of 
Statistics.  From  the  report  on  "Manufactures  in  1908," 
aheady  referred  to,  the  following  data  are  given  with  respect 
to  women  workers  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  over,  and  the 
estimated  data  for  women  eighteen  years  of  age  and  over, 
assuming  that  the  age  distribution  of  women  in  all  industries 
is  the  same  as  it  is  in  the  cotton  industry:  — 


Wages  of  Women  in 

All  Manufacturing  Industries. 

Under 
$3. 

$3.  to 
$4.99. 

$5  to 
$5.99. 

$6  to 
$6.99. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Total. 

21  years  and  over,        .... 
18  years  to  21  years,  1    .... 

1,883 
715 

9,062 
3,443 

14  610 
4,967 

23,309 
8,857 

24,414 
6,836 

71,657 
12,898 

144.936 
37,716 

Total  over  18  years,!     . 

2,598 

12,505 

19,577 

32,166 

31,250 

84,555 

182,651 

Percentages  in  All  Manufacturing  Industries. 

Under 
»3. 

$3  to 
$4.99. 

$5  to 
$5.99. 

$6  to 
$6.99. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Total. 

21  years  and  over 

18  years  to  21  years,  >    .        ... 

1.3         6.3 
1.9        9.1 

10.1 
13.2 

16.1 
23.5 

16.8 
18.1 

49.4 
34.2 

100.0 
100.0 

Total  over  18  years,  i     . 

1.4        6.9 

10.7 

17*6 

17.1 

46.3 

100.0 

Cumulative  Percentages  in  All  Manufacturing  Industries, 

Under 
$3. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Total. 

21  years  and  over 

18  years  to  21  years,  i    .        .        .        . 

1.3 
1.9 

7.6 
11.0 

17.7 
24.2 

33.8 
47.7 

50.6 
65.8 

49.4 
34.2 

100.0 
100.0 

Total  over  18  years,'     . 

1.4 

8.3 

19.0 

36.6 

53.7 

46.3 

100.0 

1  Estimated. 


Examination  of  the  findings  of  our  own  investigators,  how- 
ever, shows  that  the  lowest  range  of  wages  is  less  uniformly 
distributed  within  an  industry  than  the  statement  of  an  average 
would  suggest.     For  instance,  in  the  candy  industry,  with  its 


12  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

41  per  cent,  of  adult  women  receiving  less  than  $5  a  week,  a 
comparison  of  wage  rates  in  11  different  establishments  shows 
that  the  lowest  wages  are  confined  to  4  factories,  in  1  of  which, 
indeed,  53.3  per  cent,  of  the  employees  received  less  than  $5, 
while  the  other  7  factories  paid  not  one  single  employee  of 
eighteen  or  over  so  low  a  wage.  The  difference  between  these 
factories  in  the  kind  and  the  grade  of  their  product  cannot 
account  for  the  differences  in  the  wage  scale,  as  both  the  higher 
and  the  lower  wage  scale  prevailed  in  the  factories  manufac- 
turing the  cheaper  line  of  confectionery. 

Similar  differences  between  different  establishments  were 
found  in  the  stores  and  the  laundries.  In  the  stores,  indeed, 
the  large  and  presumably  prosperous  establishments  of  Boston 
in  many  cases  paid  a  lower  wage  than  was  paid  in  some  of  the 
small  suburban  establishments,  and  lower  wages  than  were  paid 
in  Brockton  or  Springfield.  Doubtless  similar  inequalities  be- 
tween different  establishments  would  be  found  to  prevail  in 
other  industries.  In  so  far  as  this  is  the  case,  it  is  evidence 
that  the  industry  will  bear  a  higher  rate  of  compensation  than 
some  employers  pay.  These  latter,  whether  because  of  ineffi- 
cient management  or  because  they  are  making  unusual  profits, 
are  doing  business  at  the  expense  of  their  employees. 

These  inequalities  of  wages  in  the  same  industry  are  evidence 
of  the  fact  to  which  some  of  the  more  thoughtful  employers 
testified,  —  that  the  rate  of  wages  depends  to  a  large  degree 
upon  the  personal  equation  of  the  employers  and  upon  the 
helplessness  of  their  employees,  and  to  a  very  inexact  degree 
upon  the  cost  of  labor  in  relation  to  the  cost  of  production. 
The  report  of  the  secretary  presents  information  bearing  upon 
this  point. 

The  Cost  of  Living. 
From  the  foregoing  tables  it  will  be  seen  that  a  large  number 
of  women  of  eighteen  years  of  age  and  upward  are  employed 
at  very  low  wages;  it  is  indisputable  that  a  great  part  of  them 
are  receiving  compensation  that  is  inadequate  to  meet  the 
necessary  cost  of  living.  The  commission  has  made  no  thorough 
investigation  into  the  minimum  cost  of  living,  though  it  has 
obtained  the  opinions  of  persons  who  are  well  acquainted  with 


)n 

4 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  ■  13 

the  conditions  of  life  in  the  congested  districts  of  the  city,  and 
has  examined  various  pubhshed  data  that  bear  on  this  question. 
No  calculated  determination  of  this  question  is  of  much  practical 
value  beca,use  the  personal  equation  is  too  large,  and  it  is  absurd 
to  suppose  that  the  workers  have  any  general  knowledge  that 
would  enable  them  to  plan  dietaries,  or  to  conduct  their  piu*- 
chases  with  economy  or  efhciency.  When  one  examines  the 
actual  budgets  of  working  families  that  are  driven  by  meager 
resources  to  exercise  the  utmost  thrift  of  which  they  are  capable, 
one  finds  extraordinary  variations  in  their  per  capita  expendi- 
tures for  food  and  clothing.  In  many  cases  less  is  paid  for  food 
than  a  proper  dietary  requires,  while  the  expenditure  for  cloth- 
ing varies  with  individual  judgment  and  with  the  requirements 
of  the  occupation.  In  determining  the  cost  of  self-support  for 
a  woman  hving  with  a  family  group,  allowance  must  be  made 
for  her  share  of  rent,  food,  furniture,  heat,  light,  household 
supplies,  and  the  share  of  the  mother's  labor  measured,  at 
least,  at  a  suitable  minimum  wage.  For  the  woman  living 
independently  of  a  group,  the  cost  of  board  and  room  is  greater, 
though  the  minimum  difference  is  not  so  great  as  might  be 
supposed.  The  personal  expenses  are  the  same  in  either  case, 
and  include  clothing,  laundry,  car  fares,  medical  and  dental 
care;  even  though  no  allowance  is  made  for  recreation,  charity, 
insurance,  vacation  expenses,  church  contribution,  education  in 
the  form  of  a  newspaper,  and  the  numerous  miscellaneous 
expenses  that  are  inevitable,  yet  all  these  are  fair  charges  to 
the  living  expenses  if  health  and  efficiency  are  to  be  maintained. 

Minimum  Wage  Boards. 
The  commission  was  further  directed  to  report  on  the  advisa- 
bility of  establishing  a  board  or  boards  to  which  shall  be  referred 
inquiries  as  to  the  need  and  feasibility  of  fixing  minimum  rates 
of  wages  for  women  or  minors  in  any  industry.  To  this  part 
of  its  duties  the  commission  has  given  considerable  attention. 
Such  a  system  of  legislation  has  been  in  operation  in  the  State 
of  Victoria,  Australia,  since  1896,  and  in  Great  Britain  since 
January,  1910.  Some  form  of  fixing  legal  minimum  wages  is 
also  in  operation  in  the  other  Australian  States  and  in  New 


14  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

Zealand.  In  Victoria  and  England  the  minimum  wages  are 
determined  by  wage  boards  created  for  considering  the  special 
requirements  of  the  respective  industries  or  trades.  No  accu- 
rate statement  can  be  made  as  to  the  effect  of  this  legislation 
upon  wages,  and  the  difference  in  social  and  economic  conditions 
render  comparisons  of  less  value.  Their  experiences,  while 
interesting  and  important,  are  not  conclusive. 

The  Victorian  System, 
In  Victoria,  at  the  instance  of  either  employers  or  employees, 
or  of  the  minister  of  labor,  the  Legislatm-e  may  authorize  the 
creation  of  a  special  board,  which  is  empowered  to  fix  a  mini- 
mum wage  for  a  given  trade.  Employers  and  employees  are 
equally  represented  upon  such  a  board,  and  a  nonpartisan 
chairman  is  selected  by  the  two  parties  at  interest,  or,  if  they 
fail  to  agree,  is  then  appointed  by  the  minister  of  labor.  The 
chairman  has  a  casting  vote.  Determinations,  as  the  decisions 
of  the  special  boards  are  called,  if  accepted  by  the  minister  of 
labor,  are  published  in  the  Government  Gazette  and  become 
law  for  that  trade;  but  if  the  minister  of  labor  considers  that 
a  determination  may  cause  injury  to  the  trade,  he  may  suspend 
it  for  a  period  of  six  months,  and  then  send  it  back  to  the  board 
for  reconsideration.  There  is  also  the  court  of  industrial  ap- 
peals to  which  determinations  may  be  referred,  and  this  court 
has  the  power  to  amend  or  annul  a  determination.  The  deci- 
sion of  the  court  is  final,  but  it  may  review  its  own  decisions. 
Moreover,  the  court  of  appeals  is  specifically  instructed  to 
consider  whether  a  determination  has  been  or  may  be  injurious 
to  a  trade  or  may  limit  employment,  "and  if  of  opinion  that 
it  has  had  or  may  have  such  effect,  the  coml  shall  make  such 
alterations  as  in  its  opinion  may  be  necessary  to  remove  or 
prevent  such  effect,  and  at  the  same  time  to  secure  a  living  wage 
to  employees"  (Factory  and  Shops  Act,  1905,  No.  1975).  The 
law  ignores  the  possibiHty  of  cases  in  which  the  maintenance 
of  the  trade  and  the  payment  of  a  living  wage  to  the  employees 
may  be  incompatible.  These  special  boards,  although  author- 
ized to  secure  a  "living  wage,"  in  practice  have  served  rather 
to  formulate  common  rules  for  a  trade,  to  bring  employees  and 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  15 

employers  into  co-operative  relations  and  to  provide  suitable 
machinery  for  the  readjustment  of  wages  and  other  matters 
to  changing  economic  conditions.  Their  flexibility  in  dealing 
with  complex  situations  is  obvious.  Few  appeals  have  been 
taken  from  their  decisions  to  the  court  of  industrial  appeals. 
The  claim  that  the  system  is  not  considered  antagonistic  by 
propertied  interests  is  borne  out  by  a  great  weight  of  testimony. 
On  this  point  Victor  Clark,  who  visited  Victoria  in  1903  and 
1904  as  a  representative  of  the  United  States  Department  of 
Labor,  states:  "Propertied  interests  were  not  opposed  to  a 
statutory  minimum  wage.  .  .  .  The  better  employers  rather 
courted  some  provision  that  freed  them  from  the  competition 
of  the  less  scrupulous  men  of  their  own  class.*'  ^  He  states 
further  that  11  of  the  38  special  boards  then  in  operation 
were  established  upon  appHcation  of  employers.^ 

In  1910,  20  new  boards  were  instituted,  and  at  the  end  of 
that  year  91  industries  were  under  the  operation  of  the  act, 
affecting  5,362  factories  in  which  83,053  workers  were  employed. 

The  English  System. 
In  England  the  industries  in  which  the  system  may  be  applied 
are  named  by  Parliament,  but  the  Board  of  Trade  may  pro- 
visionally extend  the  application  of  the  act  to  other  industries, 
subject  to  subsequent  continuation  by  ParHament.  The  wage 
boards,  known  as  trade  boards,  are  composed  of  representatives 
of  employers  and  of  workers  in  equal  numbers,  elected  by  their 
respective  organizations,  and  of  other  members,  including  the 
chairman,  appointed  by  the  Board  of  Trade.  The  determina- 
tions of  these  trade  boards  are  made  obligatory  by  an  order  of 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  but  the  Board  of  Trade  may  suspend  the 
operation  of  the  order.  If  the  order  is  suspended  the  trade 
board  may,  after  six  months,  again  renew  its  recommendation, 
and  the  Board  of  Trade  may  then  issue  an  obligatory  order  or 
further  suspend  it.  Minimum  wage  orders  determined  in  this 
manner  apply  to  both  men  and  women,  and  they  may  apply 
universally  to  the  trades,  or  apply  to  any  special  process  in  the 
work  of  the  trade,  or  to  any  special  class  of  workers  in  the  trade, 

^  Labor  in  Australia,  pp.  141,  147. 


16  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

or  to  any  special  area.  The  act  (9  Edward  VII,  chapter  22)  went 
into  effect  Jan.  1,  1910,  and  apphed  immediately  to  the  trades 
of  wholesale  tailoring,  box-making,  lace-making  and  chain- 
making.  The  act  has  not  been  in  operation  long  enough  to 
judge  of  its  ultimate  success,  but  it  was  adopted  after  mature 
consideration  by  a  select  committee  whose  laborious  investi- 
gations included  a  field  study  by  Ernest  Aves,  commissioner  of 
the  home  oflSce,  into  the  workings  of  minimum  wage  regulations 
both  in  Australia  and  in  New  Zealand.  In  the  passage  of  the 
bill  through  Parliament  it  was  not  made  a  party  or  a  class 
measure,  and  it  does  not  seem  to  have  met  with  any  particular 
opposition  from  any  quarter.  In  one  industry  at  least  it  has 
been  gladly  accepted  by  employers,  who  even  contributed 
money  to  enable  their  employees  to  organize  for  the  purpose 
of  taking  advantage  of  the  act. 

Need  of  Legislation  in  Massachusetts. 

Legislation  of  a  similar  character,  the  commission  believes, 
should  be  established  in  Massachusetts.  The  need  of  it  is  as 
great,  and  the  possibilities  of  its  successful  administration  in  the 
compact  population  and  well-established  industrial  and  mercan- 
tile employments  are  promising.  The  fact  that  there  is  a  large 
number  of  women  who  must  maintain  themselves,  many  of 
whom  are  called  on  to  contribute  also  to  the  support  of  others, 
and  that  there  is  a  large  army  of  women  upon  whose  assistance 
the  welfare  of  their  family  groups  depend  in  part,  presents  a 
social  question  of  great  importance. 

The  need  of  work  is  so  great  and  the  workers  are  so  numerous 
that  the  employers  may  dictate  their  own  terms,  limited  only 
by  their  sense  of  social  responsibility  and  by  the  restricted  com- 
petition of  other  employment  opportunities.  The  constant  and 
even  increasing  tide  of  immigration  is  an  important  element  in 
the  situation.  The  wage  value  of  most  of  the  labor  of  women 
is  not  fixed  by  any  other  economic  law  than  that  of  supply  and 
demand.  Even  with  women  who  have  no  other  assistance,  the 
wages  may  be  forced  below  the  minimum  cost  of  living,  without 
provision  for  the  assurance  of  health,  for  unemployment  or  for 
old  age,  and  this  deficit  must  inevitably  come  ultimately  as  a 
charge  on  society.     This  class  already  includes  no  small  pro- 


I 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  17 

portion  of  the  working  women,  and  with  the  present  tendencies 
in  industrial  hfe  women  may  be  obhged  to  depend  more  and 
more  upon  their  unaided  efforts  for  a  HveUhood. 

In  the  case  of  much  the  larger  number  of  women  at  work, 
they  are  members  of  family  groups,  which  need  from  these 
workers  the  financial  assistance  they  can  give,  whether  large  or 
small.  In  the  opinion  of  the  commission  the  number  who  are 
working  in  order  simply  to  add  to  their  comforts  or  luxuries  is 
insignificant.  Women  in  general  are  working  because  of  dire 
necessity,  and  in  most  cases  the  combined  income  of  the  family 
is  not  more  than  adequate  to  meet  the  family's  cost  of  Hving. 
In  these  cases  it  is  not  optional  with  the  woman  to  decline  low- 
paid  employment.  Every  dollar  added  to  the  family  income  is 
needed  to  lighten  the  burden  which  the  rest  are  carrying. 
Wherever  the  wages  of  such  a  woman  are  less  than  the  cost  of 
living  and  the  reasonable  provision  for  maintaining  the  worker 
in  health,  the  industry  employing  her  is  in  receipt  of  the  work- 
ing energy  of  a  human  being  at  less  than  its  cost,  and  to  that 
extent  is  parasitic.  The  balance  must  be  made  up  in  some  way. 
It  is  generally  paid  by  the  industry  employing  the  father;  it  is 
sometimes  paid  in  part  by  the  future  inefficiency  of  the  worker 
herself  and  by  her  children,  and  perhaps  in  part  ultimately  by 
charity  and  the  State.  The  commission  believes  that  our  indus- 
tries in  general  are  not  dependent  upon  such  underpaid  labor 
and  that  by  gradual  adjustment  of  wage  scales  the  present  unfor- 
tunate condition  in  a  number  of  employments  could  be  improved 
without  injury  to  the  employing  interests,  If  an  industry  is 
permanently  dependent  for  its  existence  on  underpaid  labor, 
its  value  to  the  Commonwealth  is  questionable. 

One  serious  danger  from  the  existence  of  a  large  amount  of 
subsidized  labor,  such  as  that  of  women  partly  supported  by 
other  industries,  lies  in  the  low  standard  set  for  wages  in  gen- 
eral, and  the  advantage  given  to  conscienceless  employers  or 
their  agent  to  make  the  best  labor  bargains  possible,  without 
consideration  of  the  general  social  effect.  Women  by  their  very 
limitations  are  unable  of  themselves  to  form  effective  organiza- 
tions, and  thus  gain  the  legitimate  advantages  of  collective  bar- 
gaining.    They  are  less  mobile  than  men,  they  are  more  attached 


18  MINIMUM  WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

to  locality  and  they  are  more  easily  coerced.  As  the  larger 
industries  are  conducted  by  corporations  there  is  not  even  the 
check  of  humane  sympathy  that  might  exist  in  the  personal 
relations  of  employer  and  employee,  but  the  result  is  affected 
by  the  demand  for  economy  enforced  on  the  managers.  That 
there  is  here  a  public  responsibihty  is  undeniable,  and  it  is  a 
question  that  affects  not  so  much  the  personal  comfort  of  the 
individual  as  the  general  social  welfare  of  this  and  following 
generations.  The  commission  has,  therefore,  endeavored  to 
formulate  a  system  of  legislation  which  would  enable  the  common- 
wealth to  exercise  some  degree  of  supervision  over  this  important 
part  of  its  economic  status,  without  interfering  unnecessarily 
with  its  industrial  and  mercantile  prosperity. 

There  is  a  common  and  widespread  but  erroneous  view  that 
such  legislation  is  an  attempt  to  provide  by  government  that 
low-paid  workers  shall  receive  more  than  they  earn;  that  it 
runs  counter  to  an  economic  law  which,  by  some  mysterious 
but  certain  process,  correlates  earnings  and  wages.  There  is 
no  such  law;  in  fact,  in  many  industries  the  wages  paid  bear 
little  or  no  relation  to  the  value  or  even  to  the  selling  price  of 
the  workers'  output.  Wages  among  the  unorganized  and  lower  __ 
!  grades  of  labor  are  mainly  the  result  of  tradition  and  of  slight  f  | 
'  competition.  Labor  may  be  worth  more  or  less  than  its  wage, 
whether  measured  by  the  employer's  total  receipts  from  the 
industry  or  by  the  cost  of  producing  and  maintaining  the  human 
factors  in  the  industry.  The  proposition  that  undeilies  this 
interference  with  the  contractual  relations  of  employer  and  em- 
ployee is  that,  on  the  broad  scale  and  in  the  long  run,  earnings, 
as  distinct  from  wages,  cannot  be  less  than  the  necessary  cost 
of  maintaining  the  worker  alive  and  in  health.  No  mechanical 
or  labci-saving  device  used  in  industry  can  be  worth  less  than 
the  cost  of  its  manufacture  and  maintenance.  The  normal 
human  worker  cannot  earn  less  than  a  like  cost. 

But  the  wages  actually  paid  do,  in  fact,  often  fall  below  this 
standard;  this  may  result  in  excessive  profits  to  the  employer 
or  in  prices  too  low  to  the  consumer.  In  either  case  the  workers 
are  underpaid;  the  industry  is,  in  part,  parasitic.  The  purpose 
of  this  proposed  legislation  is  not  to  compel  the  payment  of 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  19 

wages  in  excess  of  actual  earnings,  but  to  check  the  clearly  |/ 
ascertained  tendency  of  wages  to  become  much  less  than  actual 
earnings.     It  can  have  no  tendency  to  compel  any  employer 
to  pay  any    worker  more  than  the  fair  value  of  that  worker's 
labor. 

The  Legislation  recommended. 

The  administration  of  the  plan  proposed  by  this  commission 
is  vested  in  a  permanent  commission  of  three  members,  to  be 
known  as  the  Minimum  Wage  Commission,  who  are  to  be 
paid  only  for  the  time  actually  spent  in  the  service  of  the 
Commonwealth.  Were  there  a  general  industrial  commission 
established,  the  duties  provided  for  this  new  commission  might 
perhaps  properly  devolve  upon  the  general  board.  While  it 
is  not  desirable  to  increase  unnecessarily  the  number  of  per- 
manent boards,  it  is  felt  by  this  commission  that  no  existing 
board  is  prepared  to  undertake  these  new  duties,  and  that  any 
existing  board,  were  such  duties  assigned  to  it,  would  be  unable 
to  give  to  the  new  task  the  measure  of  consideration  that  will 
at  the  outset  be  especially  needed. 

It  is  to  be  the  duty  of  the  commission  to  inquire  into  the 
wages  paid  to  the  female  employees  in  any  occupation  in  the 
Commonwealth  if  the  commission  has  reason  to  believe  that 
the  wages  paid  to  a  substantial  number  of  such  employees  are 
inadequate  to  supply  the  necessary  cost  of  living  and  to  main- 
tain the  worker  in  health.  This  investigation  may,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  commission,  be  conducted  by  the  Bureau  of  Sta- 
tistics. The  commission  is  also  to  have  authority  to  subpoena 
witnesses,  administer  oaths  and  take  testimony,  and  to  examine 
such  portions  of  the  books  and  records  of  employers  as  relate 
to  the  w^ages  paid  to  women  and  minors. 

If  after  such  investigation  the  commission  is  of  the  opinion 
that  in  any  employment  the  wages  paid  to  a  substantial  num- 
ber of  female  employees  are  inadequate  to  supply  the  necessary 
cost  of  living  and  to  maintain  the  worker  in  health,  the  com-, 
mission  shall  establish  a  wage  board  and  transmit  to  it  the  in- 
formation it  has  acquired.  This  wage  board  is  essentially  a 
board  of  inquiry  and  arbitration.  It  is  to  be  composed  of  at 
least  six  representatives  of  employers  and  the  same  number  of 


20  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

representatives  of  employees.  It  is  also  to  include  a  number  of 
disinterested  members  to  represent  the  public,  but  the  number 
of  the  representatives  of  the  public  shall  not  exceed  one-half  of 
the  number  of  the  representatives  of  either  of  the  other  parties. 
While  all  the  members  may  be  appointed  by  the  commission, 
it  would  be  reasonable  to  expect  that  the  representatives  of 
employers  and  employees  would  be  chosen  by  their  respective 
organizations  in  so  far  as  the  parties  are  organized,  but  as  such 
organizations  cannot  be  presupposed,  the  manner  of  selecting 
the  members  of  the  wage  boards  is  left  to  the  commission.  The 
wage  board  then  represents  the  three  interests  involved,  —  the 
occupation,  the  employees  and  the  general  public,  —  for  to 
the  last  of  these  the  prosperity  of  this  form  of  employment,  the 
economic  condition  of  the  workers  and  the  effect  of  any  wage 
determination  upon  the  cost  of  the  products  to  the  consumer 
are  of  importance.  If  two-thirds  of  the  members  of  such  a 
board  agree  upon  a  wage  determination,  and  in  such  an  agree- 
ment some  of  each  party  will  necessarily  be  represented,  the 
determination  is  reported  to  the  commission.  The  wages  may 
be  differentiated  for  various  branches  of  the  occupation,  and 
wages  may  also  be  recommended  for  learners  and  apprentices 
and  for  minors.  The  commission  may  then  review  the  recom- 
mendation, may  approve  or  nullify  any  or  all  of  the  wages 
recommended,  or  may  recommit  the  subject  to  the  same  wage 
board  or  to  a  new  wage  board,  but  in  so  far  as  it  concurs  in  the 
wages  recommended,  after  public  notice  of  its  intention  and  a 
public  hearing  thereon,  it  may  issue  an  order  declaring  such 
wages  to  be  the  legal  minimum  wages  for  the  occupation.  After 
sixty  days  from  the  issuing  of  the  order  it  shall  be  a  misdemeanor 
for  any  employer  in  the  occupation  in  question  to  employ 
woman  or  a  minor  for  less  than  the  rate  of  wages  specified  in  the 
order. 

In  case  a  wage  board  shall  make  a  recommendation  of  a  wage 
determination  in  which  a  majority  but  less  than  two-thirds  of 
the  members  concur,   the  commission  at  its  discretion  may- 
report  such  recommendation  and  the  pertinent  facts  relatin, 
thereto  to  the  General  Court. 

An  exception  is  made  in  the  case  of  a  woman  physically  de- 
fective in  an  occupation  in  which  only  a  time  rate  has  been  * 


I 

e 
e 

i 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  21 

specified.  A  special  license  may  be  issued  by  the  commission 
authorizing  the  employment  of  such  a  person  at  a  wage  less 
than  the  minimum  wage,  but  not  less  than  the  wage  designated 
in  the  license.  To  make  further  exceptions  for  slow  or  in- 
competent workers  seems  to  this  commission  most  undesirable, 
because  in  some  employments  it  would  open  the  door  of  pref- 
erence to  the  less  competent  at  lower  wages. 

In  the  case  of  an  occupation  in  which  the  greater  part  of  the 
employees  are  minors  the  commission  may  itself  fix  the  wage 
rate  without  the  aid  of  a  wage  board,  and  then  proceed  as  in 
the  case  of  a  determination  made  by  a  wage  board. 

Provision  is  made  for  the  payment  of  members  of  trade 
boards  at  the  same  rate  as  jurors,  for  the  payment  of  witnesses, 
for  the  expenses  of  the  commission  and  of  the  wage  boards,  and 
for  the  salary  of  a  secretary  of  the  commission.  The  require- 
ments of  the  act  should  be  enforceable  in  the  courts,  and  an 
employee  receiving  less  than  the  minimum  wages  should  be 
empowered  to  recover  for  the  difference  of  wages  between  the 
legal  minimum  wages  and  those  received  by  her. 

The  provisions  of  the  act  are  so  drawn  that  the  total  expense 
of  its  operation  shall  be  as  little  as  possible,  that  its  operation 
shall  be  conservative,  and  that  the  true  interests  of  the  business 
may  be  regarded.  Since  a  determination  may  not  become 
valid  without  the  concurrence  of  some  representatives  of  the 
employers  as  well  as  of  the  commission  itself  after  pubhc  hear- 
ings, it  is  felt  that  the  legality  of  the  requirement  may  be  safely 
established  without  subsequent  action  by  the  General  Court. 
The  draft  of  the  bill  embodying  these  recommendations  accom- 
panies this  report. 

Objections  to  Legislation. 
Three  objections  to  such  legislation  may  be  offered.  It  may 
be  considered  beyond  the  constitutional  powers  of  the  General 
Court.  It  may  be  regarded  as  hostile  to  the  financial  interests 
of  the  industries.  It  may  be  claimed  that  it  will  be  detrimental 
to  the  interests  of  the  workers  themselves. 


22  MINIMUM  WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 


Constitutionality  of  the  Legislation, 

As  to  the  constitutionality  of  the  proposed  legislation  the 
essential  question  is  whether,  so  far  as  this  act  applies  to  women 
sui  juris,  the  General  Court  may  prohibit  the  making  of  con- 
tracts of  employment  by  persons  sui  juris  at  a  wage  less  than 
adequate  to  supply  the  necessary  cost  of  living  and  of  main- 
taining the  worker  in  health. 

The  economic  proposition  underlying  this  is  that  parasitic 
employment  should  not  be  permitted.  The  legislation  goes 
upon  the  theory  that  the  least  wage  consistent  with  sound 
theories  of  social  and  economic  progress  is  the  necessary  cost 
of  the  worker's  living  and  keeping  in  health. 

To  "maintain  the  worker  in  health"  is  a  phrase  none  too 
clear;  but  obviously  it  means  something  additional  to  "  necessary 
cost  of  existence."  It  perhaps  connotes  a  wage  sufficient  to  pro- 
vide decent  lodging,  reasonably  adequate  food  and  clothing 
and  essential  medical  attendance.  It  does  not  apparently  in- 
clude any  savings  for  old  age  or  times  of  incapacity.  At  its 
maximum  it  cannot  mean  more  than  what  might  be  called, 
broadly  and  perhaps  vaguely,  a  decent  living  wage  for  women 
workers,  but  it  does  involve  more  than  a  wage  adequate  simply 
to  sustain  the  worker  in  existence.  It  is  intended  to  prohibit 
uncivilized  conditions.  It  sets  a  certain  sort  of  social  and  eco- 
nomic standard. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  in  the  hght  of  the  decisions,  that  the 
Legislature  has  full  constitutional  power  to  enact  such  legisla- 
tion. The  authorities  are  plenary.  Not  even  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  as  constituted  when  it  held  the  New 
York  bakeshop  act  unconstitutional,  would,  apparently,  hav 
had  any  difficulty  with  this  proposition;  and  it  is  clear  that  that 
case  registered  high-water  mark  in  the  tide  of  judicial  veto  of 
legislation. 

MuUer  v.  Oregon,  208  U.  S.,  is  a  case  in  which  the  Suprem 
Court  of  the  United  States  upheld  the  constitutionality  of  the 
Oregon  ten-hour  law  as  applied  to  women.  The  reasoning  in 
that  case  makes  it  certain  that  the  court  would  uphold  such 
limitation  as  is  here  proposed  as  to  the  wages  of  women.  Women 
have  always  been  dealt  with  on  a  somewhat  different  legal 


I 


d 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  23 

basis  from  that  of  men.  As  the  court  says,  208  U.  S.  421 :  — 
"Still  again,  history  discloses  the  fact  that  woman  has  always 
been  dependent  upon  man.  He  established  his  control  at  the 
outset  by  superior  physical  strength,  and  this  control  in  various 
forms,  with  diminishing  intensity,  has  continued  to  the  present. 
As  minors,  though  not  to  the  same  extent,  she  has  been  looked 
upon  in  the  courts  as  needing  especial  care  that  her  rights  may 
be  preserved." 

To  say  that  a  woman  shall  not  contract  to  work  for  less  than 
a  decent  living  wage  is  to  go  no  farther  than  to  say  that  she 
shall  not  contract  to  work  more  than  eight  or  ten  hours,  or 
under  certain  other  unwholesome  conditions  which  may  affect 
her  as  the  potential  mother  of  future  citizens.  Indeed,  it 
is  much  easier  to  trace  a  social  connection  between  working  for 
wages  inadequate  to  maintain  a  decent  standard  of  living,  and 
working  more  than  eight  or  even  ten  hours  a  day.  In  208  U.  S. 
at  page  419,  the  court  sets  forth  in  a  footnote  a  mass  of  legisla- 
tion relative  to  restrictions  upon  the  hom-s  of  labor  that  may 
be  required  of  women,  taken  from  Mr.  Brandeis's  brief  filed  in 
that  case. 

In  our  own  decisions,  the  case  of  Mutual  Loan  Co.  v.  Martell, 
200  Mass.  482,  holding  constitutional  our  statute  of  1908,  in- 
cluding even  that  part  which  prohibits  the  assignment  of  future 
wages  by  a  married  man  without  the  written  consent  of  his  wife, 
contains  a  careful  recent  opinion  by  Chief  Justice  Knowlton, 
indicating  that  our  court  is  fully  alive  to  the  danger  of  under- 
taking to  veto  welfare  legislation.  The  court  says,  —  200  Mass. 
486 :  —  "  But  on  the  whole  we  are  of  opinion  that  the  Legislature 
might  look  chiefly  to  the  ordinary  relations  between  husband 
and  wife  under  the  law,  and  adopt  this  form  of  regulation  as 
salutary  in  its  application  to  most  members  of  the  class  with 
which  they  were  dealing."  If  a  workman  may  be  made  his  wife's 
ward  to  the  extent  of  requiring  her  assent  to  pledging  his  futiue 
wages,  it  is  clear  that  women  workers  may  be  made  the  State's 
wards  to  the  extent  of  prohibiting  them  from  working  for  less 
than  the  cost  of  decent  living.  This  decision  was  unanimously 
aflSrmed  on  Dec.  11,  1911,  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  (32  Supreme  Court  Reporter,  74).  See  also  Laurel  Hill 
Cemetery  v.  San  Francisco,  216  U.  S.  358;   Welch  v.  Swasey, 


24  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

214  U.  S.  91;   Jacobson  v.  Massachusetts,  197  U.  S.  11;    183 
Mass.  242. 

It  is  probably  sound  to  say  that  the  dissenting  opinion  in 
the  bakeshop  case  (Lochner  v.  New  York,  198  U.  S.,  45)  is 
the  law  in  this  country  to-day.  At  any  rate,  after  the  decision 
in  Noble  State  Bank  v.  Haskell,  219  U.  S.  104,  made  in  this 
current  year,  in  which  the  Supreme  Court  by  Holmes,  J.,  laid 
down  the  police  power  in  broader  terms  than  ever  before  enun- 
ciated, there  is  no  occasion  for  elaborate  discussion  and  fine  dis- 
tinctions between  the  older  decisions.  Two  or  three  sentences 
from  that  opinion  are  enough:  "It  may  be  said  in  a  general 
way  that  the  police  power  extends  to  all  the  public  needs.  It 
may  be  put  forth  in  aid  of  what  may  be  sanctioned  by  usage, 
or  held  by  the  prevailing  morality  or  strong  and  preponderant 
opinion  to  be  greatly  and  immediately  necessary  to  the  public 
welfare.'^ 

The  Interests  of  the  Industries. 

To  the  second  of  these  objections  the  commission  has  not  been 
indifferent.  It  may  be  argued  that  this  legislation  would  be  a 
decided  handicap  to  many  manufacturing  industries  which  sell 
their  products  in  competition  with  manufactures  in  States 
where  these  limitations  do  not  prevail.  The  commission  has 
for  that  reason  provided  for  a  consideration  of  each  employ- 
ment by  itself,  that  all  such  valid  objections  might  have  due 
weight.  Provision  has  also  been  made  for  a  review  of  the 
recommendations  of  a  wage  board  by  the  Minimum  Wage  Com- 
mission itself.  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  commission,  however, 
that  in  all  these  industries  the  wage  scales  will  stand  a  readjust- 
ment of  rates  that  will  raise  the  lowest  wages  to  something 
nearer  the  living  wage,  and  that  such  changes  will  result  in  a 
proper  demand  for  more  efficiency  in  the  labor,  which  will  be 
met  not  only  by  giving  preference  to  the  better  class  of  laborers, 
but  by  making  the  same  women  more  serviceable  because  of 
more  adequate  living  conditions.  Whether  it  will  result  in 
diminished  profits  in  any  case  will  depend  upon  the  possibilities 
of  covering  the  increased  expenses  in  other  ways.  It  may  safely 
be  said  that  the  increased  requirements  that  have  already 
been  imposed  by  this  State  have  on  the  whole  been  beneficial 
to  industries,  although  strongly  opposed  on  the  ground  of  the 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  25 

difficulty  of  interstate  competition.  But  even  if  it  can  be  shown 
that  in  any  particular  case  the  industry  may  be  less  profitable, 
this  must  always  be  balanced  against  the  general  good. 

The  Interests  of  the  Employees. 
That  the  interests  of  the  employees  in  general  will  be  im- 
proved rather  than  injured  is  a  reasonable  expectation.  It  is 
possible  that  in  the  preUminary  adjustment  of  wages  upon  the 
establishment  of  minimum  wage  rates  a  pait  of  the  extra  cost 
of  labor  will  be  met  from  the  total  sum  paid  for  wages,  but 
eventually,  even  by  the  very  stimulus  to  organized  and  co- 
operative efforts  on  the  part  of  the  employees,  a  more  just  and 
advantageous  regulation  of  the  women's  wages  will  be  attained. 
Even  were  this  not  the  case,  this  commission  would  still  be  of 
the  opinion  that  the  greater  good  would  require  the  increase  in 
the  minimum  rates.  Where  piece  rates  alone  prevail,  the 
advantage  of  the  minimum  wage  rate  would  be  felt  by  all  the 
women  workers.  If  it  is  true  that  in  some  cases  where  time 
rates  alone  prevail  employers  are  purposely  employing  less 
competent  women  at  lower  wages  rather  than  more  competent 
women  at  higher  rates,  the  latter  will  certainly  be  engaged 
if  the  minimum  wage  is  raised,  and  the  less  competent  will  be 
forced  into  other  employments  or  will  fail  to  secure  any  em- 
ployment whatever.  Even  if  this  result  should  occur,  the 
commission  holds  that  it  is  better  for  society  to  meet  this  re- 
sponsibijity  than  to  allow  the  far  greater  burden  of  under-pay- 
ment  to  fall  on  the  large  number  of  employees  who  are  now 
suffering.  The  duty  of  making  our  young  women  more  efficient 
is  one  already  recognized  by  our  educational  boards,  as  is 
evidenced  in  the  important  movements  in  industrial  education. 
Even  if  some  family  groups  will  require  more  assistance  from 
philanthropic  or  public  sources  than  at  piesent,  the  general 
burden  of  this  character  would  by  the  proposed  legislation  be 
greatly  reduced. 


I 


Advantages  of  the  Proposed  Legislation. 
The  proposed  legislation  is  therefore  recommended  for  the 
following  reasons :  — 

1.  It  would  promote  the  general  welfare  of  the  State  because 


26  MINIMUM  WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

it  would  tend  to  protect  the  women  workers,  and  particularly 
the  younger  women  workers,  from  the  economic  distress  that 
leads  to  impaired  health  and  inefficiency. 

2.  It  would  bring  employers  to  a  realization  of  their  public 
responsibilities,  and  would  result  in  the  best  adjustment  of 
the  interests  of  the  employment  and  of  the  women  employees. 

3.  It  would  furnish  to  the  women  employees  a  means  of 
obtaining  the  best  minimum  wages  that  are  consistent  with 
the  ongoing  of  the  industry,  without  recourse  to  strikes  or  in- 
dustrial disturbances.  It  would  be  the  best  means  of  ensuring 
industrial  peace  so  far  as  this  class  of  employees  is  concerned. 

4.  It  would  tend  to  prevent  exploitation  of  helpless  women, 
and,  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  to  do  away  with  sweating  in 
our  industries. 

5.  It  would  diminish  the  parasitic  character  of  some  industries 
and  lessen  the  burden  now  resting  on  other  employments. 

6.  It  would  enable  the  employers  in  any  occupation  to  pre- 
vent the  undercutting  of  wages  by  less  humane  and  considerate 
competitors. 

7.  It  would  stimulate  employers  to  develop  the  capacity  and 
efficiency  of  the  less  competent  workers  in  order  that  the  wages 
might  not  be  incommensurate  with  the  services  rendered. 

8.  It  would  accordingly  tend  to  induce  employers  to  keep 
together  their  trained  workers  and  to  avoid  so  far  as  possible 
seasonal  fluctuations. 

9.  It  would  tend  to  heal  the  sense  of  grievance  in  employees, 
who  would  become  in  this  manner  better  informed  as  to  the 
exigencies  of  their  trade,  and  it  would  enable  them  to  interpret 
more  intelligently  the  meaning  of  the  pay  roll. 

10.  It  would  give  the  public  assurance  that  these  industrial 
abuses  have  an  effective  and  available  remedy. 

HENRY  LEFAVOUR. 
ELIZABETH  G.  EVANS. 
GEORGE  W.  ANDERSON. 
JOHN  GOLDEN. 


1912.]  HOUSE— No.  1697.  27 

Firmly  convinced  that  very  low  wages  are  being  paid  in 
certain  industries  in  Massachusetts,  both  to  women  and  minors, 
in  fact  much  lower  than  a  living  wage,  and  apparently  a  wage 
lower  in  many  cases  than  the  employee  really  earns,  the  under- 
signed is  in  favor  of  legislation  that  will  ameliorate  the  life  and 
conditions  of  women  and  minors  in  certain  oppressed  trades. 

Investigation  has  shown  the  commission  that  certain  em- 
ployers of  labor,  paiticularly  in  the  case  of  women  and  minors, 
are  avaricious  and  heartless,  oblivious  to  the  needs  and  morals 
of  their  employees,  absolutely  ignorant  of  their  own  wage 
scale  and  what  constitutes  a  living  wage. 

In  connection  with  this  it  may  be  said  that  shop  and  factory 
managers  and  foremen  are  oftentimes  directly  responsible  for 
small  wages,  for  they  are  desirous  of  showing  big  profits  in  their 
departments,  and  hire  girls  at  wages  as  low  as  possible,  irrespec- 
tive of  consequences. 

Without  dissenting  from  the  general  intent  and  purpose  of 
the  majority  of  the  commission,  the  undersigned  reserves  the 
right  to  suggest  certain  modifications  of  the  bill  at  the  com- 
mittee hearing. 

RICHARD  OLNEY,  2d. 

Boston,  Jan.  10,  1912. 


28  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 


AN  ACT 


Establishing  the  Minimum  Wage  Commission  and  provid- 
ing FOR  THE  Determination  op  Minimum  Wages  for 
Women  and  Minors. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
in  General  Court  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same, 
as  follows: 

1  Section  1.     There  is  hereby  established  a  commission  to 

2  be  known  as  the  Minimum  Wage    Commission.      It    shall 

3  consist  of  three  persons,  one  of  whom  may  be  a  woman,  to 

4  be  appointed  by  the  governor  by  and  with  the  advice  and 

5  consent  of  the  council.     One  of  the  commissioners  shall  be 

6  designated  by  the  governor  as  chairman.     The  first  appoint- 

7  ments  shall  be  made  within  ninety  days  from  the  passage 

8  of  this  act,  one  for  the  term  ending  October  first,  nineteen 

9  hundred   and   thirteen,   one   for   the   term   ending   October 

10  first,  nineteen  hundred  and  fourteen,  and  one  for  the  term 

11  ending  October  first,  nineteen  hundred  and  fifteen;  and  be- 

12  ginning  with  the  year  nineteen  hundred  and  thirteen,  one 

13  member  shall  be  appointed  annually  for  the  term  of  three 

14  years  from  the  first  day  of  October  and  until  his  successor 

15  is  qualified.    Any  vacancy  that  may  occur  shall  be  similarly 

16  filled  for  the  unexpired  portion  of  the  term  in  which  such 

17  vacancy  shall  occur. 

1  Section  2.     Each  commissioner  shall  be  paid  ten  dollars 

2  for  each  day's  service  in  addition  to  the  traveling  and  other 

3  expenses  incurred  in  the  performance  of  his  ofiicial  duties. 

4  The  commission  may  appoint  a  secretary,  who  shall  be  the 

5  executive  officer  of  the  board  and  to  whose  appointment  the 

6  rules  of  the  civil  service  commission  shall  not  apply.     It 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  29 

7  shall  determine  his  salary,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 

8  governor  and  council.     The  commission    may    incur    other 

9  necessary  expenses  not  exceeding  the  annual  appropriation 

10  therefor  and  shall  be  provided  with  an  office  in  the  state 

11  house  or  in  some  other  suitable  building  in  the  city  of  Bos- 

12  ton. 

1  Section  3.     It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  commission  to 

2  inquire  into  the  wages  paid  to  the  female  employees  in  any 

3  occupation  in  the  commonwealth    if    the    commission    has 

4  reason  to  believe  that  the  wages  paid  to  a  substantial  num- 

5  ber  of  such  employees  are  inadequate  to  supply  the  necessary 

6  cost  of  living  and  to  maintain  the  worker  in  health. 

1  Section  4.     If  after  such  investigation  the  commission 

2  is  of  the  opinion  that  in  the  occupation    in    question    the 

3  wages  paid  to  a  substantial  number  of  female  employees  are 

4  inadequate  to  supply  the  necessary  cost    of    living    and    to 

5  maintain  the  worker  in  health,  the  commission  shall  estab- 

6  lish  a  wage  board  consisting  of  not  less  than  six  representa- 

7  tives  of  employers  in  the  occupation  in  question  and  of  an 

8  equal  number  of  representatives  of  the  female  employees  in 

9  said  occupation  and  of  one  or  more  disinterested  persons 

10  appointed  by  the  commission  to  represent  the  public,  but 

11  the  -representatives  of  the  public  shall  not  exceed  one  half 

12  of   the   number   of   representatives    of   either   of   the   other 

13  parties.     The  commission  shall  designate  the  chairman  from 

14  among  the  representatives  of  the    public,    and    shall    make 

15  rules  and  regulations  governing  the   selection  of  members 

16  and  the  modes  of  precedure  of  the  boards,  and  shall  exer- 

17  cise   exclusive   jurisdiction   over   all  questions   arising  with 

18  reference  to  the  validity  of  the  procedure  and  of  the  deter- 

19  minations  of  the  boards.    The  members  of  wage  boards  shall 

20  be  compensated  at  the  same  rate  as  jurors;  they  shall  be 

21  allowed  the  necessary  traveling  and  clerical  expenses  incurred 

22  in  the  performance  of  their  duties,  these  payments  to  be  made 

23  from  the  appropriation  for  the  expenses  of  the  commission. 


30  MINIMUM   WAGE  BOARDS.                [Jan. 

1  Section  5.     The  commission  may  transmit  to  each  wage 

2  board  all  pertinent  information  in  its  possession  relative  to 

3  the  wages  paid  in  the  occupation  in  question.     Each  wage 

4  board  shall  take  into  consideration  the  needs    of    the    em- 

5  ployees,  the  financial  condition  of  the  occupation  and  the 

6  probable  effect  thereon  of  any    increase    in    the    minimum 

7  wages  paid,  and  shall  endeavor  to  determine  the  minimum 

8  wage,  whether  by  time  rate  or  piece  rate,    suitable    for    a 

9  female  employee  of  ordinary  ability  in  the  occupation  in 

10  question  or  for  any  or  all  of  the  branches  thereof,  and  also 

11  suitable  minimum  wages  for  learners  and  apprentices  and 

12  for  minors  below  the  age  of  eighteen  years.    When  two  thirds 

13  of  the  members  of  a  wage  board  shall  agree  upon  minimum 

14  wage  determinations,  they  shall  report  such  determinations 

15  to  the  commission  together  with  the  reasons  therefor  and 

16  the  facts  relating  thereto. 

1  Section  6.    Upon  receipt  of  such  report   from    a   wage 

2  board  the  commission  shall  review  the  same  and  may  ap- 

3  prove  any  or  all  of  the  determinations  recommended  or  may 

4  disapprove  any  or  all  of  them  or  may  recommit  the  subject 

5  to  the  same  or  to  a  new  wage  board.     If  the  commission 

6  approves  any  or  all  of  the  determinations  of  the  wage  board, 

7  it  shall  give  public  notice,  by  advertisement  in  at  least  one 

8  newspaper  in  each  county  of  the  commonwealth,  of  its  in- 

9  tention  to  issue  an  order  declaring  such  determinations  or 

10  any  part  of  them  to  be  the  legal  minimum  wages  for  women 

11  or  minors  or  both  in  said  occupation,    and    shall    likewise 

12  give  notice  of  a  public  hearing  thereon  to  be  held  not  earlier 

13  than  fourteen  days  from  the  date  of  such  publication.    After 

14  such  notice  and  such  public  hearing,  the  commission  may 

15  in  its  discretion  issue  an  obligatory  order  to  be  effective  in 

16  sixty  days  from  the  date  of  said  order  specifying  the  mini- 

17  mum  wages  for  women  or  minors  or  both  in  the  occupation 

18  affected  or  any  branch  thereof,  and    after    such    order    is 

19  effective,  it  shall  be  unlawful  for    any    employer    in    said 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  31 

20  occupation  to  employ  a  woman  or  minor  for  less  than  the 

21  rate  of  wages  specified  for  such  women  or  minors.    The  order 

22  shall  be  published  in  at  least  one  newspaper  in  each  county 

23  of  the  commonwealth  and  a  copy  of  the  order  shall  be  sent 

24  by  mail,  so  far  as  practicable,  to  each  employer  in  the  occu- 

25  pation  in  question  and  each  such  employer  shall  be  required 

26  to  post  a  copy  of  said  order  in  each  building  in  which  women 

27  or  minors  affected  by  the  order  are  employed. 

1  Section  7.     In  case  a  wage  board  shall  make  a  recom- 

2  mendation  of  a  wage  determination  in  which  a  majority  but 

3  less  than  two  thirds  of  the  members  concur,  the  commission 

4  in  its  discretion  may  report  such  recommendation  and  the 

5  pertinent  facts  relating  thereto  to  the  general  court. 

1  Section  8.     Whenever  a  minimum  wage  rate  has  been 

2  established  in  any  occupation,  upon  petition  of  either  em- 

3  ployers  or  employees,  the  commission    may    reconvene    the 

4  wage  board  or  establish  a  new  wage  board,  and  any  recom- 

5  mendation  made  by  such  board  shall  be  dealt  with  in  the 

6  same  manner  as  the  original  recommendation    of    a    wage 

7  board. 

1  Section  9.     For  any  occupation  in  which  a  minimum 

2  time  rate  only  has  been  established,  the  commission  may 

3  issue  to  any  woman  physically  defective  a  special  license 

4  authorizing  the  employment  of  such  licensee  for  a  wage  less 

5  than  the  legal  minimum  wage:  provided,  it  is  not  less  than 

6  the  special  minimum  wage  fixed  for  said  person. 

1  Section  10.     The  commission  may  at  any  time  inquire 

2  into  the  wages  paid  to  minors  in  any  occupation  in  which 

3  the  majority  of  employees  are  minors,  and  may,  after  giv- 

4  ing  public  hearings,  determine  minimum  wages  suitable  for 

5  such  minors.     When  the  commission  has  made  such  a  de- 

6  termination,  it  may  proceed  in  the  same  manner  as  if  the 

7  determination  had  been  recommended  to  the  commission  by 

8  a  wage  board. 


32  MINIMUM   WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

1  Section"  11.    Every  employer  of  women  and  minors  shall 

2  keep  a  register  of  the  names  and  addresses  of  all  women 

3  and  minors  employed  by  him,  and  shall  on  request  permit 

4  the  commission  or  any  of  its  members  or  agents  to  inspect 

5  such  register.     The  commission  shall  also  have  the  power 

6  to  subpoena  witnesses,  administer  oaths  and  take  testimony, 

7  and  to  examine  such  portions  of  the  books  and  records  of 

8  employers  as  relate  to  the  wages  paid  to  women  and  minors. 

9  Such  witnesses  shall  be  summoned  in  the  same  manner  and 

10  be  paid  from  the  treasury  of  the  commonwealth  the  same 

11  fees  as  witnesses  before  the  superior  court. 

1  Section  12.     Upon  request  of  the  commission,  the  di- 

2  rector  of  the  bureau  of  statistics  shall  cause  such  statistics 

3  and  other  data  to  be  gathered  as  the  commission  may  re- 

4  quire,  and  the  cost  thereof  shall  be  paid  out  of  the  appro- 

5  priation  made  for  the  expenses  of  the  commission. 

1  Section  13.     Any  emplo3^er  who  discharges    or    in    any 

2  other  manner  discriminates  against  any  employee  because  91 

3  such  employee  has  testified,  or  is  about  to  testify,  or  because 

4  such  employer  believes  that  said  employee  may  testify,  in 

5  any  investigation  or  proceeding  relative  to  the  enforcement 

6  of  this  act,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and 

7  upon  conviction  thereof  shall  be    punished    by    a    fine    of 

8  twenty-five  dollars  for  each  such  misdemeanor. 

1  Section  14.     Any  person  employing  a  woman  or  minor 

2  for  whom  a  minimum  wage  has  been  duly  established  at 

3  less  than  said  minimum  wage  or  violating  any  other  of  the 

4  provisions  of  this  act  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misde- 

5  meanor,  and  shall  upon  conviction  thereof  be  punished  by 

6  a  fine  of  not  less  than  ten  nor  more  than  fifty  dollars,  or  I 

7  by  imprisonment  in  the  county  jail  for  not  less  than  ten- 

8  days  nor  more  than  three  months. 

1  Section  15.     If  any  employee  shall  receive  less  than  the] 

2  legal  minimum  wage  she  shall  be  entitled  to  recover  in  ai 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.                            33 

3  civil  action  the  full  amount  of  her  legal  minimum  wage  as 

4  herein  provided  for,  together  with  costs  and  attorney's  fees 

5  to  be  fixed  by  the  court,  notwithstanding  any  agreement  to 

6  work  for  such  lesser  wage.     In  such  action,  however,  the 

7  employer  shall  be  credited  with  any  wages  which  have  been 

8  paid  upon  account. 

1  Section  16.     All  questions  arising  under  this  act  shall, 

2  except  as  otherwise  herein  provided,  be  determined  by  the 

3  commission.     There  shall  be  a  right  of  appeal  to  the  su- 

4  preme  judicial  court  on  questions  of  law,  and  the  commission 

5  may  report  questions  of  law  to  the  supreme  judicial  court 

6  for  its  determination.    In  all  proceedings  in  the  supreme  ju- 

7  dicial  court  the  attorney-general  shall  appear  for  the  com- 

8  mission. 

1  Section  17.     The  commission  shall  annually  before  the 

2  first  day  of  January  make  a  report  to  the  general  court  of 

3  its  investigations  and  proceedings  during  the  year. 

1  Section  18.    This  act  shall  take  effect  upon  its  passage. 


34  MINIMUM  WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 


Part  II. 


Eeport  of  the  Secretary. 


State  House,  Boston,  Mass.,  Jan.  7,  1912. 
To  the  Commission  on  Minimum  Wage  Boards. 

I  herewith  submit  the  report  of  the  investigation  into  the 
wages  of  women  workers  in  Massachusetts.  Without  the  pub- 
lic-spirited co-operation  of  the  merchants  and  manufacturers, 
who  gave  our  investigators  every  opportunity  to  see  their  pay 
rolls  and  their  employees,  it  would  have  been  impossible  in  the 
allotted  time  to  obtain  the  facts  concerning  so  many  women. 

The  field  work  was  done  by  Ruby  G.  Stewart,  Helen  Passoff, 
Zaida  Udell,  EHzabeth  C.  Watson,  Mary  A.  Hopkins,  AHce  S,__ 
Cheyney,  Corella  N.  Bond,  Marjorie  Hurd  and  Charlotte  !dp| 
Claflin.     Marie  Hourwich  and  Marjorie  Hurd  were  the  chief 
assistants  in  the  tabulation. 

Yours  very  truly. 


MARY  W.  DEWSON, 

Secretary. 

Introduction. 
How  many  women  are  employed  in  the  low-paid  industries? 
What  are  their  average  weekly  and  annual  earnings?    What 
relation  do  their  earnings  bear  to  age  and  experience?     Ho\ij| 
irregular  is  their  employment?    How  many  of  these  women  are'" 
a  part  of  a  normal  family  unit?    How  many  are  a  part  of  a 
broken  family,  where  there  is  no  male  earner?     How  many  are 
practically  without  a  home  and  dependent  on  their  own  earn- 
ings?    How  many  have  their  earnings  supplemented  by  charity?, 
What  likehhood  is  there  that  the  women  will  better  their  ( 
dition  by  organization? 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  35 

To  answer  these  questions  as  far  as  possible  has  been  the 
object  of  the  investigation.  With  but  six  months  in  which  to 
organize  a  force  of  investigators,  to  investigate,  digest  and 
report,  it  was  decided  to  select  three  industries  and  to  investi- 
gate them  thoroughly. 

Industries  included. 

Before  selecting  the  industries  to  be  investigated,  represen- 
tatives of  labor,  social  workers  and  others  in  contact  with 
industrial  and  social  problems  were  asked  which,  in  their  opin- 
ion, were  the  lowest  paid  industries  employing  numbers  of', 
women.  The  confectionery  industry,  the  retail  stores,  the 
laundries,  the  clothing  trade  and  the  paper-box  making  indus- 
try were  almost  unanimously  named.  Several  others  were  sug- 
gested, but  the  facts  about  them  were  not  matters  of  such 
common  knowledge.  Home  industries,  with  their  insidious 
forms  of  sweating  and  with  their  danger  to  the  community  by 
disseminating  disease,  were,  under  the  necessities  of  the. case, 
put  aside.  It  is  commonly  assumed  that  Massachusetts  is 
free  from  this  practice;  but  probably  this  is  true  only  if  com- 
parison is  made  with  communities  like  New  York  and  Chicago, 
in  which  home  work  has  assumed  giant  size,  while  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  home  work,  and  its  attendant  abuses,  is 
more  prevalent  in  Massachusetts  than  is  realized.  Certainly 
now  is  the  time  to  confront  the  situation,  before  it  gets  beyond 
control. 

The  confectionery  industry,  the  retail  stores  and  the  laun- 
dries were  chosen.  The  confectionery  industry  is  growing  and 
prosperous.  It  has  interstate  but  not  international  competi- 
tion. The  trade  requires  little  skill.  Twenty-nine  and  seven- 
tenths  per  cent,  of  its  workers  are  foreign  born,  and  52.6  per 
cent,  are  the  native  daughters  of  the  foreign  born.  The  retail 
stores  have  practically  no  interstate  competition.  They  attract, 
moreover,  a  grade  of  workers  whose  ideas  are  based  on  the 
American  standard  of  decent  living.  The  hardship  of  low  wages 
is  increased  for  saleswomen  by  the  cost  of  keeping  themselves 
presentable.  Here  the  undercutting  foreigner,  contented  with 
a  lower  standard,  does  not  enter  to  confuse  the  situation.  The 
laundries,  again  a  local  industry,  present  a  pecuUar  difficulty  in 


36  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

the  competition  of  the  Chinese,  who,  it  is  estimated,  do  55 
per  cent,  of  the  laundry  business  in  Boston.  It  is  in  part  a 
skilled  trade,  but  a  large  share  of  the  work  requires  no  skill 
w^hatever.  Low  wages  are  coupled  with  a  considerable  drain 
physically. 

Method  of  Investigation. 

The  two  sources  of  information  were  the  pay  rolls  of  the 
employers  and  the  workers  themselves.  Without  the  friendly 
co-operation  of  the  employers  the  investigation  would  not  have 
been  so  satisfactory.  Their  voluntary  action  is  evidence  of 
the  widespread  recognition  which  prevails  here  of  the  element 
of  public  interest  involved  in  what  until  recently  was  conceived 
to  be  purely  private  business.  As  many  pay  rolls  w^ere  put  at 
the  disposal  of  the  investigators  as  they  had  time  to  copy. 
The  earnings,  minus  all  deductions,  were  taken  off  week  by 
week  for  the  preceding  fifty-two  weeks,  or  for  that  part  of  the 
year  that  the  women  had  been  employed  by  their  present 
employers.  This  was  a  tedious  but  necessary  task.  As  the 
object  of  the  investigation  was  to  learn  about  the  earnings  of 
the  workers,  their  wages  for  one  week,  or  even  their  actuj 
earnings  for  one  week,  would  not  be  an  equivalent.  Some  firms 
kept  well-planned  books.  Only  two  had  them  arranged  to 
show  the  earnings  of  the  individual  week  after  week.  It  is  most 
essential  to  do  this  to  make  possible  a  study  of  the  individual's 
efficiency  and  development  under  the  training  which  modern  es- 
tablishments will  institute  more  and  more.  The  bookkeeping 
of  some  firms  was  crude  in  the  extreme.  Each  worker  whose 
earnings  had  been  taken  from  the  pay  rolls  was  seen  personally^ 
and  asked  as  to  her  economic  condition  and  her  trade  historyiJI 
Few  workers  keep  account  of  their  earnings.  Besides  these 
6,566  workers,  the  schedules  were  taken  from  334  women  who 
were  employed  in  various  factories  and  stores  to  which  the^ 
investigators  did  not  go,  or  where  the  management  kept  n^ 
books  for  the  wages  of  their  one  or  two  employees. 

There  are  more  schedules  of  earnings  than  reports  on  age? 
nativity,  economic  condition  and  trade  history.     The  earnings 
of  every  member  of  the  laboring  force  were  taken  from  the  pay 


ne 


le 

I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  37 

rolls,  but  a  number  of  the  women  were  not  seen  personally  on 
account  of  their  temporary  absence,  or  because  of  oversight 
due  to  the  large  numbers  in  some  of  the  stores. 

Definitions. 

A  "minor,"  in  all  laws  relating  to  the  employment  of  labor, 
means  a  person  under  eighteen  years  of  age,i  and  the  term  has 
been  so  used  in  this  report. 

The  "average  weekly  earnings"  are  the  average  for  the  num- 
ber of  weeks  during  the  past  year  that  the  worker  was  employed 
by  her  present  employer  for  all  or  a  part  of  the  week.  No  work- 
ers who  had  been  employed  less  than  four  weeks  were  included. 

The  "average  annual  earnings"  were  counted  as  such  when 
the  worker  had  been  employed  practically  the  entire  year,  and 
when  she  could  legitimately  look  to  the  industry  for  support 
during  the  whole  year.  No  woman  was  put  in  this  group  who 
was  out  of  employment  for  industrial  reasons  for  more  than 
five  consecutive  weeks,  or,  however  the  time  was  scattered 
through  the  year,  for  more  than  five  weeks  for  sickness,  —  the 
allowance  of  the  federal  government,  —  three  weeks  for  sick- 
ness in  her  family,  and  four  weeks  for  personal  reasons  and  for 
unreported  causes  of  absence.  Nor  was  any  one  considered  to 
have  worked  the  whole  year  who  started  work  five  weeks  after 
the  beginning  or  left  work  five  weeks  before  the  close  of  the 
year.  By  this  classification  the  earnings  and  the  irregularity 
of  employment  of  a  number  of  comparatively  steady  and 
experienced  workers  can  be  considered  separately. 

The  woman  who  was  considered  to  be  "adrift"  was  self- 
supporting  and  practically  without  a  home.     To  make  this 

vestigation  comparable  with  the  federal  report,  volume  V., 

n  "  Wage-earning  Women  in  Stores  and  Factories,"  the  federal 
definition  of  women  adrift,  as  given  in  the  appendix,  was 
arefully  followed. 

1  Acts  of  1909,  chapter  514,  section  17. 


ff 


38 


MINIMUM  WAGE   BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


WAGES  OF  WOMEN  IN  THE  CANDY  FACTORIES. 
Section  1.    The  Candy  Industry. 


Number  of  establishments, 
Capital,    .... 
Value  of  product,     . 


Value  added  by  manufacture  (products  less  cost  of 

materials). 
Cost  of  materials  used, 


Wages, 

Employees:  — 

Number  of  salaried  ofl&cials  and  clerks,   . 

Average  number    of  wage  earners  employed 

during  the  year. 
Male,  16  years  of  age  and  over, 

Male,  under  16  years  of  age,      .... 

Female,  16  years  of  age  and  over,     . 

Female,  under  16  years  of  age, 


Census  Returns  for 
1909. 


United 
States. 


1,944 
$68,326,000 
8134,796,000 
$53,645,000 
$81,151,000 
$9,137,000 
$15,615,000 

8,384 

44,638 

18,836 

551 

30,453 

2,581 


Massachu- 
setts. 


117 
$7,371,000 
$15,266,000 
$6,077,000 
$9,189,000 
$1,090,000 
$1,860,000 

755 

5,548 

1,703 

45 

4,140 

577 


Statistics  of 
Manufac- 
tures for 

1910, 
Massachu- 
setts. 


109 

$7,481,279 

$16,018,877 

$6,428,368 

$9,590,509 

-1 

$2,085,090 


6,025 
1,562  « 


148  « 
3,4952  H 
1,554*  fll 

I 


1  Not  taken  by  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Statistics. 

2  This  is  the  number  of  employees  18  years  of  age  and  over. 
*  This  is  the  number  of  employees  under  18  years  of  age. 


During  the  last  five  years  there  has  been  a  great  change  in 
the  confectionery  industry  through  the  introduction  of  ma- 
chinery. A  few  years  ago  one  employer  hired  70  to  80  boys, 
at  from  $5  to  $7  a  week,  to  make  by  hand  the  cream  fondant 
which  is  the  base  of  most  candy.  To-day  the  same  amount 
of  fondant  is  made  with  machinery  by  8  or  10  men,  at  from 
$8  to  S15  a  week.  Machines  for  dipping  chocolates  have  not 
been  perfected  as  yet,  although  they  are  used  in  making  some 
of  the  cheaper  grades.  The  result  of  this  use  of  machinery  has 
been  a  tremendous  growth  in  the  industry.  It  was  first  tabu- 
lated by  itself  in  the  census  of  1904.  In  the  United  States  be- 
tween 1904  and  1909  the  increase  in  capitalization  was  58.4 
per  cent. ;  in  value  of  the  product,  54.8  per  cent. ;  in  cost  of 
materials  used,  66.3  per  cent. ;  in  value  added  by  manufacture, 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  39 

40.1  per  cent.;  in  number  of  salaried  officials  and  clerks, 
63.6  per  cent.;  in  average  number  of  wage  earners,  23.2  per 
cent.;  in  salaries,  88.7  per  cent.;  in  wages,  33.5  per  cent.  In 
Massachusetts  between  1904  and  1909  the  increase  in  capitaliza- 
tion was  96.8  per  cent.;  in  value  of  the  product,  63.8  per  cent.; 
in  cost  of  materials  used,  66.8  per  cent.;  in  value  added  by 
manufacture,  59.4  per  cent.;  in  number  of  salaried  officials  and 
clerks,  86.1  per  cent.;  in  average  number  of  wage  earners,  33.2 
per  cent.;  in  salaries,  157.8  per  cent.;  in  wages,  42.8  per  cent. 
The  salaries  of  the  official  force  have  increased  in  Massachu- 
setts 71.7  per  cent,  more  than  their  numbers  have  increased; 
but  the  wages  of  the  workmen  have  increased  only  9.6  per  cent, 
more  than  their  average  numbers. 

The  candy  factories  are  located  chiefly  in  Boston  and  Cam- 
bridge. Fifteen  factories  in  Boston  and  4  in  Cambridge  in 
1910  employed  from  50  to  1,000  workers.  Springfield  and  Brock- 
ton each  have  1  large  factory  and  Mansfield  a  large  branch 
factory  run  by  a  firm  manufacturing  in  Boston.  Of  13  estab- 
lishments employing  between  20  and  50  workers,  7  were  in 
Boston,  3  in  Cambridge  and  1  in  each  of  three  other  places. 
In  addition,  81  smaller  plants  were  scattered  throughout  the 
State,  and  of  these  almost  one-half  were  in  Boston. 

The  bulk  of  the  Boston  trade  is  in  chocolate-covered  candy 
of  a  high  grade,  delivered  in  separate  boxes  ready  for  sale. 
Many  of  the  firms  sell  under  their  trade  name.  Salesmen  are 
sent  as  far  west  as  the  Mississippi.  The  manufacturers  say 
that  for  twenty-five  years  the  development  of  high-class  con- 
fectionery was  in  Boston,  and  a  reputation  was  acquired  for 
Boston  goods.  New  York,  Philadelphia  and  Chicago  are  the 
other  great  candy  centers,  while  the  west  and  south  have  local 
factories.  Boston  has  an  advantage  in  climate,  but  none  in 
the  labor  supply. 

Candy  is  not  so  perishable  as  is  commonly  supposed.  Choco- 
late-covered candy,  it  is  claimed,  is  better  for  being  kept  several 
weeks,  and  does  not  deteriorate  for  some  months.  The  choco- 
late becomes  more  tender  with  time,  while  the  core  is  preserved, 
as  it  is  kept  air  tight.  Work  for  the  fall  and  Christmas  trade 
is  begun  in  the  early  summer.  The  busy  season  starts  about 
^abor  Day  and  lasts  until  Christmas.     During  the  summer  the 


40  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

drug  stores  and  news  stands  reduce  their  supply,  as  heat  turns 
the  chocolate  gray,  and  makes  the  candy  unsalable,  although 
it  does  not  injure  the  flavor,  With  cooler  weather  the  demand 
increases,  and  the  retailers  lay  in  a  full  stock.  The  Christmas 
trade  is  heavy.  In  January  business  becomes  slack,  as  the  re- 
tailers are  usually  overstocked  for  Christmas.  Toward  Easter 
trade  improves  slightly. 

The  cost  of  labor  per  pound  varies  anywhere  from  J  of  a 
cent  on  the  cheapest  grade  of  candy,  wholesaling  at  8  cents  a 
pound,  to  5^  cents  for  the  highest  grade  chocolates,  whole- 
saling at  50  cents  a  pound.  The  cost  per  pound  for  chocolates 
most  commonly  reported  is  4  cents,  although  the  wholesaling 
price  varies  somewhat.  The  variation  in  the  selling  price  is 
due  to  the  quality  of  the  material  used.  Chocolate  ranges 
from  14  to  44  cents  a  pound.  Nuts  and  fruits  are  more  expen- 
sive than  cream  filling.  The  chief  element  of  cost  in  candy  is 
not  labor  but  material. 

The  fondant,  or  foundation  for  all  candies,  is  made  in  huge 
copper  kettles  by  men.  The  men  also  pour  the  fondant  into 
molds,  and  do  "practically  all  of  the  very  heavy  or  very  hot 
work.  The  molds  are  placed  in  a  cold  room  and  the  fondant 
allowed  to  harden,  when  hard  it  is  put  on  large  sheets  of  oiled 
paper  and  sent  on  a  sliding  machine  to  the  dippers;  some  facto- 
ries have  no  sliding  machine  and  the  molds  are  carried  by  floor 
girls.  The  dippers  sit  in  front  of  a  pan  of  melted  chocolate, 
which  is  kept  just  at  the  melting  point,  and  dip  the  fondant 
molds  by  hand  or  with  a  small  wire  dipper.  An  experienced 
dipper  is  expected  to  dip  60  pounds  of  plain  chocolates  in  one 
day.  A  temperature  of  60  degrees  or  less  is  at  all  times  main 
tained  in  the  dipping  room  to  keep  the  candy  hard  enough  to 
handle.  The  packing  of  the  soft  creams  is  usually  done  in  a 
cold  room.     The  temperature  is  regulated  by  ammonia  pipes 

The  candy  when  dipped  is  placed  on  boards  about  two  or 
three  feet  square,  tier  on  tier,  ready  for  packing.  The  fancy^ 
packer  packs  f-pound  to  5-pound  boxes  ready  for  the  market. 
The  different  kinds  of  candy  vary  in  expense.  The  packer  must 
put  in  the  right  assortment;  she  must  make  the  box  weigh  the 
exact  amount;  she  must  get  an  artistic  effect  by  placing  some 
pieces  in  paper  cups,  and  by  the  arrangement  of  the  pieces. 


I 

II 

I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  41 

The  topper  then  brushes  the  top  layer  of  candy,  puts  on  the 
lace  paper  mat,  the  pair  of  tongs,  the  small  cotton  Istyer  and 
closes  the  box.  A  plain  packer  puts  the  candy  in  large  boxes 
ready  to  be  again  packed  or  sold  in  bulk.  A  wrapper  wraps 
such  candy  as  caramels,  chocolates  done  in  tinfoil,  etc.  The 
work  of  the  floor  girl  is  the  hardest  and  heaviest.  She  carries 
the  boxes,  the  pails  of  candy,  and  the  piles  of  boards  covered 
with  candy.  She  does  the  lifting  and  reaching,  and  also  the 
scraping  of  the  floor  of  all  dropped  chocolate. 

On  the  whole,  the  candy  industry  is  not  disagreeable  or 
unhealthful  work,  except  that  a  large  number  of  the  workers 
have  to  sit  in  an  ammonia-chilled  atmosphere. 

Hours  of  Work. 

At  the  time  of  the  investigation  the  factories  were  operating 
under  the  fifty-six-hour  law  for  women,  with  the  option  in 
seasonal  occupations  of  employing  the  workers  fifty-eight 
hours  in  the  busy  time,  provided  that  the  average  for  the  year 
did  not  exceed  fifty-six  hours. 

All  the  Boston  factories  are  run  on  much  the  same  basis  in 
regard  to  the  hours  of  work.  The  hours  are  usually  fifty  a 
week  during  eight  months  of  the  year,  that  is,  a  nine-hour  day, 
with  the  exception  of  Saturday,  which  is  a  four-hour  day.  One 
large  factory  works  fifty  and  three-quarters  hours  a  week  and 
one  forty-seven  and  one-half  hours,  during  this  period.  From 
Labor  Day  to  Christmas,  or  for  four  months,  about  one-haK 
of  the  factories  work  from  five  to  five  and  one-half  hours  a 
week  overtime,  and  the  others  from  six  to  eight  hours  a  week 
overtime.  One  hour  is  usually  added  to  each  working  day  and 
three  hours  to  Saturday.  In  one  factory  the  hours  of  labor 
exceeded  the  legal  number  during  the  busy  season,  but  other- 
wise there  was  an  obvious  effort  to  keep  within  the  law,  although 
there  was  often  no  margin,  and  there  were  individual  cases  of 
infraction  of  the  law. 

The  factories  outside  of  Boston  worked,  as  a  rule,  longer 
hours  during  the  slack  season,  and  in  the  busy  season  they 
worked  only  three  to  three  and  one-half  hours  in  addition. 

In  some  of  the  smaller  retail  stores,  which  employed  a  dipper 
or  two,  the  hours  were  nearly  fifty-six  throughout  the  year, 


42 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


with  no  overtime.  Sometimes  the  women  in  these  stores  were 
kept  busy  throughout  the  warm  weather  by  putting  them 
behind  the  counter  to  sell,  and  sometimes  they  were  laid  off  for 
about  four  months. 


Hours  of  Labor  in  the  Candy  Factories. 


Average  Hours 

WORKED,  INCLUDING 
Busy  AND 

Slack  Seasons. 

Number 
of  Fac- 
tories. 

Number 
of  Em- 
ployees 
inter- 
viewed 
in  Each 
Group. 

Average  Hours 

WORKED,  including 

Busy  and 

Slack  Seasons. 

Number 
of  Fac- 
tories. 

Number 
of  Em- 
ployees 
inter- 
viewed 
in  Each 
Group. 

47^ 

49^ 

60 

51 

51H,   .... 

1 

1 
3 
1 
6 
7 

3 

12 

846 

4 

68 

257 

52y,,    .... 

53 

5S3^ 

55M 

56,        .         . 

1 
4 
2 

2 

2 

13 

495 

17 

2 

52 

29 

1.719 

Industrial  Disputes. 
One  of  the  four  instances  that  was  reported  of  a  clash  between 
a  group  of  employees  and  their  employer  occurred  when  the 
firm  that  docked  a  day  and  one-half's  pay  for  a  day's  absence 
started  to  dock  a  day  and  one-half's  pay  for  absence  on  a  legal 
holiday.  The  employees  protested  in  a  body,  and  threatened 
to  walk  out.  The  employers  yielded  the  point.  It  was  stated 
by  the  workers  in  another  factory,  where  an  employees'  pic- 
nic had  been  given  in  the  past  by  the  firm,  and  the  firm  had 
stood  the  loss  of  the  half  day,  the  superintendent  this  summer 
told  the  girls  that  they  could  not  have  the  picnic  unless  they 
made  up  not  only  a  half  day,  but  a  whole  day.  The  girls  refused 
to  do  this,  and  left  their  work  the  afternoon  before  the  picnic. 
They  went  back,  however,  and  made  up  a  whole  day  and  the 
hours  they  left  on  strike  by  working  overtime  without  pay. 
The  girls  said  that  they  made  up  about  three  times  the  hours 
they  actually  lost.  In  another  case  the  dippers  said  that  they 
struck  for  a  higher  rate  and  received  it.  In  the  fourth  case 
they  protested  in  a  group  successfully  against  a  reduction  of 
wages.  These  demands  on  the  part  of  the  workers  were  informal 
and  spontaneous.  It  is  generally  stated  that  there  never  has 
been  any  organization  on  the  part  of  the  candy  workers,  either 
men  or  women. 


H 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


43 


It  would  be  a  difficult  trade  to  organize.     Of  its  employees, 

74.6  per  cent,  are  women,  30.7  per  cent,  of  whom  are  under 
eighteen  years  of  age.     Of  the  women  of  all  ages  interviewed 

29.7  per  cent,  were  immigrants.  The  preponderance  of  young 
workers  who  are  heedless  and  planning  to  marry  soon  puts  the 
older  women  at  a  disadvantage  in  any  organized  attempt  to 
get  higher  wages.  The  girls  just  beginning  to  work  are  willing 
to  take  what  is  offered  them. 

A  majority  of  the  workers  seem  fairly  contented  with  their 
industrial  condition.  The  Italians,  who  form  34.3  per  cent,  of 
the  workers,  are  contented  by  disposition.  Even  a  low  wage 
enables  them  to  have  a  standard  of  living  probably  higher  than 
what  they  were  accustomed  to  in  Italy.  Yet  such  a  wage 
means  that  they  are  huddled  in  unsanitary  quarters  and  exist 
on  a  family  income  that  precludes  what  Americans  consider  a 
normal  standard  of  living.  The  candy  workers  say  that  they 
know^  other  girls  in  different  trades  who  earn  no  more  and  whose 
work  is  not  as  light  and  agreeable.  Some  of  the  women  work- 
ing at  the  candy  trade,  however,  find  the  low  wages  pitifully 
inadequate  to  their  necessities. 

Section  2.    The  Candy  Worker. 
Sex. 

Candy  Employees  by  Sex."^ 


Eighteen  Years 
AND  Over. 

Under  Eighteen 
Years. 

Totals. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Males, 
Females,    . 

1,562 
3,495 

91.4 
69.2 

148 
1,554 

8.6 
30.8 

1,710 
5,049 

100 
100 

Totals, 

5,057 

74.9 

1,702 

25.1 

6,759 

100 

Candy  making  is  a  woman's  trade.  There  are  74.7  per  cent, 
of  women  to  25.3  per  cent,  of  men;  there  are  only  8.6  per  cent, 
of  boys  under  eighteen  to  91.4  per  cent,  of  older  men.  The 
men's  work  demands  skill  in  making  the  fondant  and  in  look- 
ing after  the  machinery. 


Statistics  of  Manufactures,  Bureau  of  Statistics,  advance  figures  for  1910. 


44 


MINIMUM  WAGE   BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Age. 


Ages  of  All  Candy  Workers 

investigated. 

Age  (Years). 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Under  16, 

100 
201 
265 
120 
103 

12  7 

16  and  17, 

25  5 

18  to  20,    

33.6 

21  to  24 

15.2 

13.0 

Totals, 

789 

100  0 

The  women  candy  workers  for  the  greater  part  are  young 
gu'ls;  only  13.1  per  cent,  are  twenty-five  years  or  over;  71.8 
per  cent,  are  under  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  38.2  per  cent, 
are  minors,  as  the  laws  which  regulate  labor  term  workers  under 
eighteen  years  of  age. 

Nativity. 

Number    and  Per  Cent,  of    Women  Workers   investigated   in    Candy 
Factories  who  were  Native  and  Foreign  Born. 


First  Generation. 

Second  Generation. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Native  born, 

Foreign  born, 

733 
311 

70.3 
29.7 

1 
185                 17.7 

859                 82.3 

Totals 

1,044 

100.0 

1,044 

100.0 

Of  all  the  candy  workers,  52.6  per  cent,  are  native-born 
daughters  of  immigrants,  who  consequently  must  have  been 
in  the  country  at  least  fourteen  years;  29.7  per  cent,  are  for- 
eign born,  and  only  17.7  per  cent,  are  native  born  of  native- 
born  parents. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


45 


Nationality  of  Parents  of  American-horn  Women  Workers  investigated  in 
Candy  Factories,  exclusive  of  those  with  American  Parents.    . 


Number  of 

Women  of 

Per  Cent,  of  Women  op 

Parentage 

Parentage  — 

^ 

^ 

Age  (Years). 

< 

C3 

t 

<; 

C3 

£ 

c 

^ 

.s 

x^ 

a 

& 

.2 

xi 

m 

^ 

£i 

^ 

C 

'f. 

.2 

j3 

Si 

2 

O 

^ 

13 

a> 

a 

o 

^ 

K 

o 

< 

H 

HH 

O 

<; 

^ 

Under  18, 

60 

81 

17 

12 

26 

196 

30.6 

41.3 

8.7 

6.1 

13.3 

100 

18  to  20,  . 

48 

50 

12 

13 

25 

148 

32.4 

33.8 

8.1 

8.8 

16.8 

100 

21  and  over,     . 

7 

83 

2 

9 

11 

112 

6.3 

74.1 

1.8 

8.0 

9.8 

100 

Not  reported, 

2 

- 

- 

- 

2 

4 

50.0 

- 

- 

- 

50.0 

100 

Totals,       . 

117 

214 

31 

34 

64 

460 

25.4 

46.6 

6.7 

7.4 

13.9 

100 

Nativity  of  Foreign-born   Women   Workers  investigated  in   Candy 

Factories. 


Number  of  Women. 

Per  Cent,  of  Women. 

^ 

^ 

^ 

1 

Age  (Years). 

< 

i 

i 

< 

§ 

2 

.2 

j3 

g 

■§ 

c 

5 

CO 

"3 

.2 

JS 

1 

eS 

O 

1 

"5 

.2 

w 

C3 

< 

6 

87 

3 

■c 

w 

6 

^ 

^ 

Under  18, 

62 

2 

15 

2 

71.3 

2.3 

17.2 

2.3 

6.9 

100 

18  to  20,  . 

75 

3 

17 

9 

10 

114 

65.8 

2.6 

14.9 

7.9 

8.8 

100 

21  and  over,     . 

71 

9 

8 

5 

11 

104 

68.2 

8.7 

7.7 

4.8 

10.6 

100 

Not  reported, 

3 

- 

- 
40 

2 

1 

6 

50.0 

- 

- 

33.3 

16.7 

100 

Totals, 

211 

14 

18 

28 

311 

67.9 

4.5 

12.8 

5.8 

9.0 

100 

Of  the  foreign-born  women  67.9  per  cent,  were  Italian.  Of 
the  native-born  daughters  of  foreign-born  parents  25.4  per 
cent,  were  of  Italian  extraction.  These  Italians  and  Italian 
Americans  were  34.3  per  cent,  of  all  the  candy  workers  report- 
ing their  nativity. 

The  Irish-born  women  were  only  4.5  per  cent,  of  the  foreign 
born,  but  the  native-born  daughters  of  the  Irish  were  46.6  per 
cent,  of  the  American  born  of  foreign  parents.  The  Irish  and 
Irish-Americans  were  23.9  per  cent,  of  all  the  candy  workers. 


46  MINIMUM  WAGE   BOARDS.     .  [Jan. 

The  Hebrews,  chiefly  Russian,  were  12.8  per  cent,  of  the 
foreign  born  and  6.7  per  cent,  of  the  American  born  of  foreign 
parents,  or  7.4  per  cent,  of  all. 

The  Canadians,  equally  divided  between  the  two  groups  of 
the  foreign  born  and  the  daughters  of  the  foreign  born,  form 
5.4  per  cent,  of  the  workers. 

The  remaining  9.6  per  cent,  of  the  whole  number  reporting 
on  their  nativity,  exclusive  of  the  19.3  per  cent.^  of  the  daugh- 
ters of  the  native  born,  were  distributed  among  fifteen  nation- 
ahties. 

Many  of  the  candy  factories  are  located  in  the  north  end  of 
Boston,  to  be  convenient  to  the  Italian  and  Hebrew  quarter; 
while  the  factories  in  the  other  parts  of  the  city  and  in  Cam- 
bridge attract  the  Irish-Americans. 

A  comparison  of  the  numbers  in  the  different  age  groups 
shows  that  the  Italian-Americans  and  the  Hebrew-Americans 
go  to  work  as  soon  as  they  leave  school,  and  that  by  the  time 
they  are  twenty-one  years  of  age  all  but  6  per  cent,  have  left 
the  industry.  How  many  marry  and  how  many  go  into  other 
trades  was  not  ascertained. 

The  Irish-Americans,  hke  the  Americans  born  of  American 
parents,  follow  the  general  tendency  of  the  industry  and  show 
a  preponderance  of  young  workers,  although  more  than  one- 
third  of  them  are  twenty-one  years  of  age  or  over. 

Among  the  foreign  born  the  situation  is  somewhat  different. 
Of  course,  since  many  of  them  are  older  when  they  immigrate 
there  are  not  so  many  proportionately  among  the  girls  under 
eighteen  years,  but  there  are,  however,  more  among  the  women 
twenty-one  years  and  over.  Considerable  numbers  of  Italian- 
born  women  who  are  married  work  in  the  factories.  There  are 
a  few  quite  old  Italian  women  who  pick  over  nuts,  etc.  The 
latter  could  not  speak  any  English.  Of  the  foreign  born  seen 
in  this  investigation,  87.6  per  cent,  were  of  foreign-speaking 
races.  Of  these,  there  were  less  than  3  per  cent,  who  could 
speak  no  EngUsh. 

1  In  thia  calculation  the  88  reporting  that  they  were  foreign  born,  but  not  specifying  the 
country,  are  excluded.  , 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


47 


Conjugal  Condition. 

Number  of  Married  Women  and  their  Percentage  of  All  the  Women 
Workers  in  Candy  Industry  by  1905  Census. ^ 


Native  Born. 

Foreign 
Born. 

Totals. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Married  women 

Number  of  women  having  no  child. 
Number  of  women  having  children. 
Average  number  of  children  born, 

40 

16 

24 

2 

4.3 
1.7 
2.6 

57 
22 

!      35 

1 

4 

8.9 
3.4 
5.4 

97 
38 
59 
3 

6.3 

2.4 
3.8 

1  The  Census  of  Massachusetts,  1905,  Vol.  2,  pp.  67,  189.  The  percentages  are  based  on 
all  the  women  candy  workers,  that  is,  900  native-born  women,  639  foreign-born,  total,  1,539. 
Of  the  97  married  women,  19,  or  19.5  per  cent.,  are  widowed  or  divorced. 

Number  of  Married  Women  among  the  Workers  investigated  in  Candy 
Factories  who  reported  on  their  Conjugal  Condition. 


Living  at 

Home;  a 

Male  Wage 

Earner  in 

Family. 

Living  at 

Home;  no 

i    Male  Wage 

Earner  in 

Family. 

Adrift. 

Totals. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Wives, 
Widows,      . 

20 
3 

3.0 
.5 

4 

1 

3.5 
.9 

2 

9.5 

4.8 

26 
5 

3.3 
.6 

All  married  women, 

23 

3.5 

5 

4.4 

3 

14.3 

31 

3.9 

The  two  figures  which  can  be  compared  in  these  tables  are 
the  per  cent,  of  the  married  women.  The  Census  for  1905 
found  6.3  per  cent,  and  the  present  investigation  3.9  per  cent. 
The  difference  may  be  accounted  for  by  an  increase  in  young 
girls  employed  in  the  last  six  years.  In  any  case  the  number  of 
married  women  in  the  candy  industry  is  exceedingly  small. 


Section  3.    Ea.rnings  in  the  Candy  Trade. 

Flat  Rates  and  Piece  Rates. 

The  candy  workers  in  Boston  and  Cambridge  were  in  general 

paid  at  a  flat  rate,  contrary  to  the  custom  reported  in  other 

States.     The  manufacturers  said  that  employees  on  piece  rate 


48  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

slighted  their  work  in  their  effort  to  produce  a  large  amount, 
and  that,  since  the  Boston  trade  was  largely  in  high-class  goods, 
this  unsatisfactory  method  was  not  used.  Moreover,  in  one 
of  the  large  factories  making  a  variety  of  the  cheaper  grades 
there  were  only  8.3  per  cent,  of  the  workers  on  piece  work. 
The  nearest  approach  to  piece  work  is  the  bonus  on  production 
over  a  fixed  amount.  There  were  only  two  factories  where  this 
system  was  reported.  One;  of  these  factories  pays  one  and  one- 
half  times  for  any  chocolates  dipped  over  60  pounds  a  day; 
the  other  pays  1  cent  for  every  pound  over  75  pounds  a  day 
of  fine-grade  candy,  and  1  cent  for  every  pound  over  85  pounds 
a  day  of  the  cheaper  grade.  Few  girls  are  swift  enough  to 
work  for  the  bonus. 

Payynent  for  Overtime. 
From  Labor  Day  to  Christmas,  or  for  about  fifteen  to  seven- 
teen weeks,  the  workers  are  usually  paid  at  the  rate  of  seven 
days  for  six  days'  work;  or,  more  exactly,  for  the  three  to  eight 
hours  of  overtime  they  are  paid  once  and  a  half  their  ordinary 
rate.     Some  employers  pay  the  regular  rate  for  overtime. 

Bonus. 
Almost  all  the  factories  in  Boston  and  Cambridge  pay  in  a 
lump  sum,  after  Christmas,  a  bonus  of  from  5  per  cent,  to  10 
per  cent,  on  the  earnings  of  the  employees  either  from  Labor 
Day  to  Christmas  or  for  the  whole  year.  In  one  factory  there 
is  a  profit-sharing  plan  and  the  percentages  paid  vary ;  last 
year,  the  one  year  for  which  the  earnings  were  taken,  was  a 
profitable  one.  Sometimes  the  bonus  is  computed  on  the  regu- 
lar earnings  and  sometimes  on  both  the  regular  and  overtime 
earnings.  Usually  the  bonus  for  a  given  week  is  forfeited  by 
an  absence  from  the  factory  during  that  week,  although  in  one 
instance  in  case  of  illness  no  deductions  were  made.  In  one 
factory  if  a  girl  is  out  because  of  personal  reasons  for  more  than 
forty  days  she  forfeits  the  entire  bonus.  In  another,  if  she  is 
late  between  twenty-five  and  fifty  times  she  forfeits  the  entire 
bonus.  In  another,  if  she  is  late  between  twenty-five  and  fifty 
times  she  forfeits  one-fourth  of  her  bonus;  between  fifty  and 
seventy-five  times,  one-half  of  her  bonus;   between  seventy-five 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  49 

and  one  hundred  times,  three-quarters  of  her  bonus,  and  over 
one  hundred  times  she  loses  all  the  bonus.  But  the  restrictions 
are  reasonable,  and  the  worker  usually  gets  her  bonus;  the 
competition  for  skilled  workers  in  the  busy  season  is  too  keen 
for  it  to  be  otherwise.  The  bonus  rose  from  the  desire  of  the 
manufacturers  to  hold  their  workers  through  the  busy  season, 
so  that  they  could  make  the  most  of  the  market.  One  of  the 
manufacturers  said  that  many  of  his  girls  took  advantage  of 
the  January  shutdown  and  the  ready  money  of  the  bonus  to 
get  married.  The  bonus  is  about  equal  to  two  weeks'  pay. 
For  the  same  cause  most  of  the  factories  furnish  coffee  free  to  the 
workers  at  noontime.  At  first  it  was  given  to  prevent  the  girls 
from  cooking  in  the  workrooms.  If  one  factory  does  anything 
of  this  sort  the  neighboring  factories  are  likely  to  follow  suit. 
Even  though  an  employer  may  have  a  lower  wage  scale  in  his 
factory,  he  wishes  to  have  the  name  of  offering  equal  advan- 
tages with  the  others. 

Fines. 

So  far  as  reported  there  is  comparatively  little  fining.  There 
seemed  to  be  none  for  spoiled  work.  If  a  worker  kept  on  spoil- 
ing work  some  employers  said  hypothetically  that  they  would 
fine  her,  and  others,  that  they  would  discharge  her.  No  such 
case  came  to  our  notice. 

Lateness  is  fined.  When  an  employee  is  late  the  time  clock 
stamps  the  hour  and  minute  of  her  arrival  in  red.  Two  or 
three  minutes  are  overlooked,  since  there  is  a  crowd  around  the 
time  clock  during  the  last  minutes,  but  if  later  than  this  the 
worker  is  usually  docked,  and  if  late  more  than  a  given  num- 
ber of  times,  in  some  cases  she  forfeits  some  share  of  her  bonus. 
In  small  factories  instead  of  fining  they  sometimes  "talk  to 
the  girl."  When  fined  it  is  often  for  only  the  value  of  the  time 
lost  by  the  worker.  Several  factories,  however,  dock  a  girl  a 
half  hour's  pay  for  every  half  hour  or  fraction  of  it  that  she  is 
late.  For  instance,  if  a  girl  receiving  $3  a  week  were  tardy 
ten  minutes  she  would  lose  3  cents,  the  value  of  her  time  for 
half  an  hour. 

The  factories  usually  pay  for  the  time  the  employee  is  work- 
ing, but  in  three  instances  it  was  reported  that  when  a  girl 
stayed  out  a  day  she  was  docked  a  day  and  a  half,  and  in  one 


50  MINIMUM   WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 

case  when  a  girl  left  work  a  half  hour  early  she  was  docked  for 
an  hour.  In  one  of  the  smaller  factories  when  a  girl  went  home 
sick  she  w^as  not  docked.  There  were  no  fines  in  the  factories 
visited  outside  of  Boston. 

Variation  in  Weekly  Earnings. 

The  flat  rate  of  wages  gives  only  an  approximate  idea  of  the 
actual  earnings  of  the  candy  worker.  She  gains  over  her  rate 
by  payment  for  overtime  and  bonus;  she  loses  by  fines  and  the 
irregularity  of  her  employment. 

The  irregularity  of  the  amount  earned  is  shown  by  the  fol- 
lowing figures,  taken  from  one  sheet  of  a  pay  roll  that  was 
selected  at  random  but  which  is  typical.^  Not  one  of  the  43 
women  was  on  piece  rate. 

Number  of  workers  considered,  43. 

Average  number  of  weeks  they  worked,  40.6. 

Greatest  number  of  weeks  they  worked,  51. 

Least  number  of  weeks  they  worked,  5. 

Average  number  of  weeks  they  received  the  flat  rate,  10.5. 

Greatest  number  of  times  they  received  the  flat  rate,  23  in  50  weelcs. 

Least  number  of  times  they  received  the  flat  rate,  none  in  7  weeks,  or 

3  times  in  36  weeks. 
Average  number  of  times  they  exceeded  the  flat  rate,  9. 
Greatest  number  of  times  they  exceeded  the  flat  rate,  23  in  49  weeks. 
Least  number  of  times  they  exceeded  the  flat  rate,  0  in  43  weeks. 
Average  number  of  weeks  they  received  less  than  the  flat  rate,  21.1. 
Greatest  number  of  times  thej^  received  less  than  the  flat  rate,  7  out 

of  7  weeks,  or  22  out  of  25  weeks. 
Least  number  of  times  they  received  less  than  the  flat  rate,  14  out  of 

50  weeks. 

It  is  simple  to  generalize  about  the  number  of  women  who 
are  working  at  the  rate  of  $4,  $5  and  $6,  etc.,  a  week  in  any 
given  factory,  but  the  actual  earnings  for  the  year,  or  at  least 
for  a  number  of  weeks,  are  essential  to  a  real  knowledge  of  the 
situation. 

Average  Weekly  Earnings. 

The  average  weekly  earnings  of  the  1,694  women  investigated 
were  $5.40. 

Average  earnings  of  all  the  workers  in  an  industry  are  chiefly 
interesting  to  compare  with  other  industries.     In  considering 

1  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  274. 


I 


I 


1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


51 


the  individual  worker  the  vital  question  is  how  many  receive 
less  than  a  given  wage.  The  most  important  and  pertinent 
fact  of  the  whole  investigation  is  that,  of  the  1,218  women  over 
eighteen  years  of  age  who  reported  both  their  earnings  and 
their  age,  41  per  cent,  averaged  less  than  S5  a  week  and  65 
per  cent,  less  than  S6. 

Of  the  301  minors  employed,  79.8  per  cent.,  or  about  as  large 
again  a  percentage  as  the  adults,  averaged  less  than  $5  a  week 
and  93  per  cent,  less  than  $6. 


Cumulative  Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Women  Wage  Earners  investigated 
in  Candy  Factories,  classified  by  Earnings  and  Ages. 


Number 
reporting 
Age  and 

Earnings. 

CUMXTLATIVE    XUMBERS. 

Age  (Ye.\rs). 

Under        Under        Under 
$4.               $5.               $6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Under  18,  . 
18  and  over, 

301 
1,218 

110 
196 

240 
499 

280 
795 

298 
1.001 

300 
1,134 

1 
84 

Totals, 

1,519 

306 

739 

1,075 

1,299 

1.434 

85 

Per  Cent, 
reporting 
Age  and 
Earnings. 

Cumulative  Percentages. 

Age  (YE.A.RS). 

Under 
$4. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Under  18,  . 
18  and  over. 

19.8 
80.2 

36.6 
16.1 

79.8 
41.0 

93.0 
65.2 

99.0 
82.2 

99.7 
93.1 

.3 
6.9 

Totals, - 

100.0 

20.1 

48.7             70.8 

85.6 

94.4 

5.6 

Annual  Earnings.'^ 
The  average  annual  earnings  of  the  469  women  who  worked 
through  the  year  for  the  same  firm  was  $277.16,  or  $5.33  for 
each  of  the  fifty-two  weeks,  including  the  weeks  when  they 
were  out  of  work  because  of  a  temporary  shutdown,  illness  or 
absence  for  personal  reasons.  The  average  for  weeks  worked 
taken  alone  was  $5.97.  The  average  loss,  then,  that  the  worker 
bore  each  week,  largely  because  of  industrial  reasons,  as  will  be 
shown  later,  was  64  cents.  Any  one  on  a  salary  of  $60  a  week 
may  bear  the  loss  of  $6  with  equanimity,  but  to  the  wage  earner 

1  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  256. 


52  .       MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

the  loss  of  10  per  cent,  of  her  income  is  a  serious  concern,  and, 
added  to  the  uncertainty  of  employment,  a  drain  on  her  resources 
of  mind  and  body. 

The  average  weekly  earnings  of  the  all-the-year-round  work- 
ers were  95  cents  a  week  more  than  for  those  who  worked  but 
part  of  the  year  for  one  firm.  The  permanent  and  naturally 
more  skilled  help  were  the  higher  paid. 

Hourly  Earnings.^ 
The  earnings  per  hour  varied  from  those  of  the  beginner,  6.4 
to  7.3  cents,  to  the  average  earnings  for  the  whole  industry,  11 
cents  an  hour;  and  again  to  the  highest  earnings,  15  to  16 
cents  an  hour,  and  even  for  the  most  skilled  dippers  and  pack- 
ers, 18.4  to  20.8  cents  an  hour.  These  figures  were  obtained 
by  dividing  each  wage  earner's  average  weekly  earnings  by  the 
number  of  hours  she  worked  a  week  when  working  full  time, 
with  due  regard  paid  to  the  longer  hour  schedule  in  the  busy 
season.  Since  the  usual  working  schedule  was  fifty  hours  a 
week,  the  hourly  earnings  advanced  from  earnings  group  to 
earnings  group  at  the  rate  of  1  cent  to  each  50  cents'  increase 
in  the  denomination  of  the  group.  For  instance,  the  woman 
who  earned  S3  to  $3.49  a  week  was  getting  6.4  cents  an  hour, 
and  the  woman  who  earned  $3.50  to  $3.99  a  week  was  getting 
7.3  cents  an  hour,  and  so  on.  Where  the  hours  are  nearly 
uniform  in  different  industries,  as  in  Massachusetts,  the  hourly 
earnings  are  valuable  chiefly  for  comparison  with  the  situation 
in  other  States,  where  the  hours  are  longer. 

Increase  in  Earnings. 
No  statistics  were  gathered  as  to  the  rates  of  earnings  at.  a 
previous  period,  but  unquestionably  they  have  increased  within  ^i 
the  last  few  years.     One  of  the  manufacturers  stated  that  three  m\ 
or  four  years  ago  he  could  employ  all  the  young  girls  he  needed 
at  $2.50  a  week  where  now  the  lowest  rate  was  $3  a  week. 
Another  said  that,  where  six  or  seven  years  ago  he  paid  $6.50 
for  a  certain  grade  of  worker,  he  paid  $8.50  to-day.     It  was 
also  stated  that  the  wages  of  first-class  dippers  had  been  forced 
up  by  their  scarcity.     A  number  of  the  dippers  said  that  the 

1  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  257. 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  53 

quickest  way  to  advance  was  to  take  advantage  of  the  shortage 
in  the  supply.  They  would  leave  their  positions  in  the  busy 
season  to  go  to  another  manufacturer  who,  although  he  would 
not  advance  his  present  workers  at  an  unprecedented  rate,  would 
hire  newcomers  at  the  wage  which  they  untruthfully  said  that 
they  were  receiving  in  their  last  place.  Every  manufacturer 
emphasized  the  scarcity.  One  employer  said  that  this  fall  he 
was  paying  at  the  rate  of  $9  and  SIO  a  week  to  his  best  dippers, 
and  that,  although  they  were  being  paid  relatively  higher  than 
the  other  workers  in  the  factory,  his  competitors  were  hiring 
them  away  at  advanced  rates.  No  dipper  was  found  on  his  pay 
rolls,  however,  who  earned  SIO,  and  only  3  who  earned  between 
$9  and  $10.  The  rapid  increase  in  the  manufacture  of  candy 
may  account  for  the  temporary  shortage  of  dippers.  The  em- 
ployers said  that  they  were  meeting  the  situation  by  training 
young,  unskilled  workers,  of  whom  there  is  an  oversupply,  for 
dippers.  Many  of  the  employers  spoke  of  the  difficulty  lying 
in  the  heedlessness,  irresponsibility  and  lack  of  ambition  in  the 
young  workers.  As  one  employer  put  it,  "the  problem  of 
candy  making  is  the  labor  question." 

The  bonus  of  5  to  10  per  cent.,  due  to  the  competition  for 
skilled  workers  in  the  busy  season,  is  a  comparatively  recent 
increase  in  wages. 

Earnings  and  Experience.^ 
Earnings  increase  with  experience  in  the  candy  industry,  just 
as  in  other  industries,  but  in  a  very  flat  curve.  The  woman  who 
has  worked  less  than  a  year  is  usually  in  the  $3.50  to  $3.99 
earnings  group.  The  wage  of  a  beginner  in  the  big  factories 
was  from  $3  to  $3.50.  On  the  average,  the  worker's  rate 
increased  50  cents  a  week  with  each  year  of  experience,  until 
she  had  been  in  the  trade  six  years,  and  was  receiving  from 
$6.50  to  $6.99  a  week.  Of  the  789  women  who  reported  both 
their  experience  and  earnings,  82.4  per  cent,  had  been  in  the 
candy  industry  less  than  six  years.  The  maximum  average  of 
$7.50  to  $7.99  a  week  was  reached  after  ten  years  of  experience. 
This  average  was  maintained  but  not  raised  as  the  experience 
of  the  workers  increased.  The  72,  or  9.1  per  cent.,  who  had 
eight  years  or  over  of  experience  averaged  no  more. 

1  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  258. 


54  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

It  takes  only  a  few  months  in  the  candy  industry  to  teach  a 
worker  all  that  experience  gives,  except  in  the  case  of  the  dip- 
pers. During  the  first  three  or  four  weeks  the  latter  are  an 
expense  to  the  manufacturer,  because  of  the  candy  spoiled. 
The  manufacturers  interviewed  said  that  it  took  about  six 
months  to  make  an  expert  dipper  out  of  a  woman  with  a  knack 
for  it,  and  knack  is  essential  to  success.  One  maker  of  high- 
grade  goods  said  that  it  took  two  years.  One  employer  said 
that  it  took  a  dipper  who  changed  from  factory  to  factory  a 
month  to  get  used  to  the  different  chocolates,  as  some  contain 
more  sugar,  etc.,  and  the  dipper  cools  the  chocolate  to  the 
right  heat  by  her  hand.  The  fancy  packers  in  many  factories, 
contrary  to  the  practice  in  other  States,  received  nearly  as  high 
a  wage  as  the  dippers.  It  takes  about  two  or  three  months  to 
become  expert  at  fancy  packing.  Exceptional  quickness  and 
skill  find  an  earher  reward.  Three  w^omen  who  had  had  less 
than  a  year's  experience  were  in  the  S8  to  $8.99  wage  group, 
and  4  others  were  in  the  $6  to  S6.99  wage  group.  These  7 
women  were  5  per  cent,  of  the  workers  with  less  than  a  year's 
experience.  Fifteen  women,  or  S.5  per  cent,  of  the  workers 
with  one  year's  experience  but  less  than  two  years',  received 
$6  or  over  a  week. 

The  following  workers  are  typical :  Bridget  T.,  twenty-five  years 
of  age,  born  in  America  of  Irish  parents,  since  leaving  school,  when 
nineteen,  has  wrapped  candy  for  one  firm  for  nearly  seven  years. 
Her  rate  is  $6.  Last  year  industrial  lay-offs  made  her  average 
earnings  $4.97.  Delia  O.,  forty  years  old,  American,  born  of 
Irish  parents,  with  eight  years'  schooling  and  eleven  years' 
experience  in  two  factories  as  a  dipper,  has  a  wage  which  aver- 
aged $5.67  for  the  weeks  worked  during  the  last  year. 

Experience  in  other  industries  in  addition  to  the  candy  trade, 
as  would  be  expected,  was  not  so  advantageous  to  the  candy  _. 
worker  as  experience  in  the  candy  trade  alone,  but  the  differ-  f  | 
ence  was  slight.  It  showed  in  a  loss  of  50  cents  on  the  weekly 
earnings  in  three  of  the  ten  experience  groups.  The  trades 
from  which  the  women  drift  into  the  candy  trade  and  out  again 
require  little  more  than  dexterity.  Unskilled  work  does  not 
develop  the  worker,  so  their  previous  training  was  of  small 
advantage. 


3 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  55 

The  candy  industry  is  founded  on  an  ever-renewed  proces- 
sion of  young  unskilled  labor.  Nearly  three-fourths  of  the 
workers  are  under  twenty-one  years  of  age,  over  one-third  are 
under  eighteen;  almost  two-thirds  of  them  have  been  working 
in  the  candy  factories  less  than  four  years.  The  median  earn- 
ings group  for  all  the  workers  who  are  under  twenty-one  is 
$4.50  to  $4.99,  and  for  all  the  workers  who  have  worked  less 
than  four  years  is  also  $4.50  to  $4.99.  This,  then,  is  the  median 
wage  paid  by  the  employers  to  the  bulk  of  their  workers. 

Earnings  hy  Occupations.^ 
The  dippers  were  the  highest  paid  set  of  workers,  but  of  the 
dippers  who  reported  their  occupation,  116,  or  45.7  per  cent., 
earned  less  than  $6,  and  only  3,  or  1.2  per  cent.,  earned  $9  or 
over.  The  fancy  packers  stand  second,  but  38.8  per  cent, 
earned  less  than  $5,  and  only  3  per  cent,  made  over  $9.  This 
3  per  cent,  represents  2  fancy  packers  who  earned  the  prize 
wages  outside  of  the  forewomen,  getting  $17.03  and  $13.98. 
One  expert  bow  tier  earned  $13.80.  The  bow  tiers  approximated 
the  fancy  packers  in  wages.  At  the  other  end  of  the  scale  were 
the  girls  and  old  women,  who  pick  nuts,  make  fancy  shapes,  etc. 
None  of  them  earned  $6,  and  88.9  per  cent,  earned  less  than 
$5.  The  floor  girls  and  general  helpers  furnished  the  next 
largest  per  cent,  of  low  paid  workers,  73.8  per  cent,  earning  less 
than  $5. 

Earnings  and  Age. 
Median  Earnings  per  Week,  by  Age. 

Under  16  years, $3  50  to  $3  99 

16  and  17  years, 4  00  to  4  49 

18  to  20  years, 5  50  to  5  99 

21  to  24  years, 6  00  to  6  49 

25  years  and  over, 6  00  to  6  49 

The  median  wage  group  was  the  same  for  women  who  were 
twenty-five  years  or  over  as  for  those  who  were  between  twenty- 
one  and  twenty-five  years  old,  that  is,  $6  to  $6.49  a  week,  and 
only  half  a  dollar  higher  than  it  was  for  the  girls  from  eighteen  to 

1  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  259. 


56 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


twenty  years  old.     There  is  no  premium  paid  apparently  for 
the  steadiness  and  reliability  which  comes  with  age. 

Forty-six  women,  or  21.4  per  cent,  of  the  women  twenty-five 
years  or  over,  received  less  than  $5  a  week.  Below  the  class 
of  skilled  workers  who  received  $8  and  over  a  week  there  is  no 
appreciable  increase  in  wages  in  accordance  with  an  increase 
of  years,  but  with  the  better-paid  workers  there  is  a  noticeable 
increase,  shown  in  the  following  table:  — 


Relation  of  Age  and  Earnings  among  the  Highest-paid  Workers. 


Age  (Years). 

Total 

Number  of 

Workers. 

Receiving  $8  and  Over. 

Number. 

Percentage. 

Under  16, 

16  and  17, 

18  to  20 

21  to  24, 

25  and  over, 

100 
201 
265 
120 
103 

1 
13 

18 
30 

.5 
4.9 
15.0 
29.1 

Totals, 

789 

62 

7.91 

1  Average. 

Sixty-two  women,  or  7.9  per  cent,  of  all  the  women  inter- 
viewed, received  18  or  over.  Of  this  small  number  almost  one- 
half  were  in  the  oldest  age  group.  One-fifth  were  from  eighteen 
to  twenty-one  years  old,  and  one  girl  of  seventeen  was  earning 
between  $10  and  $11.99.  Several  manufacturers  have  stated 
that  a  young  girl  with  an  equal  amount  of  experience  was  as 
valuable  as  an  older  woman,  although  the  dependability  of  the 
latter  was  in  her  favor.  In  the  candy  trade  nimble  fingers  are 
at  a  premium. 

Earnings  in  Relation  to  Living  Conditions.'^ 
The  median  wage  group  of  the  woman  in  the  broken  family 
is  shown  to  be,  during  three  age  periods,  higher  by  50  cents 
than  for  the  woman  who  is  living  in  the  normal  family.  This 
may  represent  the  extra  effort  such  a  woman  must  make  to 
hold  her  position  and  to  lose  as  little  time  as  possible.  The 
number  of  the  women  adrift  is  too  small  for  deductions.     How- 


I 


I 


See  Appendix,  table,  p.  254. 


1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


57 


ever,  these  women  when  twenty-one  years  or  over  received  50 
cents  more  a  week  on  the  median  wage  than  the  women  of  the 
same  age  who  were  Hving  at  home.  A  few  young  girls  who  were 
adrift  earned  but  a  little  more  than  $4  a  week  to  cover  all 
expenses,  —  a  practically  impossible  proposition.  Sixty-nine, 
or  60  per  cent,  of  the  115  women  who  were  not  only  responsible 
for  their  own  support  but  in  part  at  least  for  others,  earned 
under  $6.  Four  hundred  and  fifty-six,  or  70  per  cent,  of  the 
653  women  who  lived  in  normal  famiHes,  earned  under  $6. 
The  latter  class  had  proportionately  10  per  cent,  more  of  the 
lowest  paid  workers. 

Earnings  hy  Factories  and  Localities. 

No  operative  or  investigator  can  tell  from  superficial  knowl- 
edge the  difference  in  wage  scales  between  two  factories.  It 
is  necessary  to  know  what  all  the  employees  receive,  and  to 
figure  the  percentage  of  workers  paid  at  each  rate. 

The  following  table  is  based  on  the  manufacturers'  own  state- 
ments as  to  the  wages  (by  rates)  that  they  paid  for  the  week 
during  which  the  largest  number  of  persons  was  employed  in 
their  factories.  Although  rates  give  the  maximum  of  oppor- 
tunity, provided  the  factory  runs  full  time  for  its  whole  force, 
and  not  the  actual  earnings  of  the  employees,  it  is  a  fair  basis 
of  comparison  for  one  factory  with  another. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Women  Wage  Earners  working 
at  Various  Wage  Levels,  as  reported  by  the  Employers  in  Several  of 
the  Candy  Factories  employing  over  96  Workers. 


Factory 

Age  op  Workebs 

Cumulative  Per  Cent. 
OF  THE  Number  op  Women  employed 
AT  Wage  Levels  of  — 

Per  Cent, 
of  All 
Women 

Number. 

(Years). 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8, 

$8  and 
Over. 

Workers 
in  Each 
Factory. 

1, 
2, 
3, 
4, 
5, 
6, 
7, 
8. 
9, 

10. 

11. 

Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 
Under  18, 

87.5 

50.0 

100.0 

62.9 

52.8 

83.4 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

81.6 

1      47.6 

! 

98.6 
100.0 
100.0 
84.5 
77.5 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
92.8 
70.9 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
98.9 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
93.9 
90.0 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

99.4 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 

98.0 
100.0 

.6 
2.0 

41.8 
9.6 
13.5 
30.0 
61.0 
18.1 
40.9 
72.2 
68.0 
89.4 
80.4 

58 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Women  Wage  Earners  working 
at  Various  Wage  Levels,  etc.  —  Con. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent. 

•     1 

Per  Cent, 
of  AU 
Women 

OF  THE 

Number  of  Women  employed 

Factory          Age  of  Workers 

AT  Wage  Levels  of  — 

Number.                 (Years). 

Workers 

Under 

Under    Under 

Under 

$8  and 

in  Each 

$5. 

$6.           $7. 

$8. 

Over, 

Factory. 

1,       . 

18  and  over," 

53.3 

62.3 

90.5 

93.5 

6.5 

58.2 

2, 

18  and  over 

_ 

18.7 

45.4 

72.2 

27.8 

90.4 

3, 

18  and  over 

- 

22.3 

57.0 

78.5 

21.6 

86.5 

4, 

18  and  over 

28.2 

56.0 

72.7 

87.1 

12.8 

70.0 

5. 

18  and  over 

10.5 

22.8 

35.1 

84.2 

15.8 

39.0 

6. 

18  and  over 

7.4 

35.2 

97.3 

2.7 

81.9 

7, 

18  and  over 

38.3 

61.8 

79.0 

96.3 

3.7 

59.1 

8, 

18  and  over 

40.0 

78.7 

86.7 

13.3 

27.8 

9, 

18  and  over 

_ 

51.6 

83.9 

87.1 

12.9 

32.0 

10. 

18  and  over 

- 

58.3 

58.3 

41.7 

10.6 

11, 

18  and  over 

- 

13.0 

34.8 

63.0 

37.0 

19.6 

1, 

All  ages, 

67.6 

72.5 

94.5 

96.2 

3.8 

100.0 

2, 

All  ages 

4.8 

26.6 

50.7 

75.0 

25.0 

100.0 

3. 

All  ages 

13.5 

32.8 

62.9 

81.4 

18.6 

100.0 

4. 

All  ages 

38.6 

65.5 

80.6 

90.8 

9.1 

100.0 

5. 

All  ages 

36.3 

56.1 

74.7 

93.9 

6.1 

100.0 

6, 

All  ages 

15.2 

24.2 

47.0 

97.7 

2.3 

100.0 

7, 

All  ages 

63.5 

77.5 

82.6 

97.8 

2.2 

100.0 

8, 

All  ages 

72.3 

83.4 

94.1 

96.3 

3.7 

100.0 

9. 

All  ages 

68.1 

84.6 

94.9 

95.9 

4.1 

100.0 

10, 

All  ages 

72.7 

82.7 

90.0 

93.7 

6.3 

100.0 

11. 

All  ages 

38.3 

59.6 

79.1 

92.8 

7.2 

100.0 

A  comparison  of  the  first  six  factories  shows  that  a  manu- 
facturer can  pay  for  unskilled  adult  woman  labor  about  what 
he  chooses  to  offer.  These  factories  are  competing  in  prac- 
tically the  same  labor  market.  They  are  making  more  or  less 
the  same  grade  of  goods.  It  is  true  that  whereas  one  factory 
may  cover  a  large  range  of  grades,  a  second  may  specialize  in 
the  upper  half  of  the  range  and  a  third  in  the  middle  section; 
yet  some  of  the  wholesaling  prices  coincide  in  every  case.  Com- 
parisons, moreover,  between  individual  factories  whose  whole- 
saling prices  are  nearly  the  same  show  a  very  marked  contrast 
in  wage  scales.  The  wage  scale,  apparently,  does  not  differ 
with  the  grade  of  goods  made,  but  with  the  policy  of  the  manu- 
facturer in  hiring  labor.  The  undercutting  of  wages  by  the 
unscrupulous  manufacturer  at  the  expense  of  the  defenseless 
working  woman  is  evidently  as  common  here  as  it  was  in  Aus- 
tralia before  the  establishment  of  minimum  wage  boards. 

It  is  a  question  whether  the  manufacturers,  either  those  who 
undercut  or  those  who  do  not,  dehberately  adopted  their  wage 
scale.    The  majority  had  vague  ideas  about  the  general  scale 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


59 


or  the  earnings  of  their  individual  employees.  Probably  the 
undercutting  manufacturers  had  simply  put  pressure  on  their 
superintendents  to  hold  down  the  pay  roll,  without  knowing, 
how  it  was  done  or  its  effect  on  the  efficiency  of  the  force  or  on 
the  individual.  Some  manufacturers  keep  the  pay  roll  down 
by  employing  a  large  proportion  of  minors.  Of  the  six  fac- 
tories previously  compared,  one  employs  61  per  cent,  minors 
and  a  second  9.6  per  cent.  Yet  the  number  of  minors  is  not 
always  proportionately  reflected  in  the  pay  roll.  The  factory 
with  61  per  cent,  minors  pays  a  little  better  than  factory  No.  4, 
with  only  30  per  cent,  minors,  and  very  considerably  better 
than  factory  No.  1,  with  41.8  per  cent,  minors.  However,  the 
employment  of  these  young  workers  on  the  whole  does  reduce 
the  pay  roll.  Four  factories  paid  all  the  minors  less  than 
the  rate  of  $5  a  week;  2  others  paid  no  minor  $6,  and  2  more 
kept  their  wage  below  $7.  In  3  factories  the  rate  for  a  very 
few  of  the  minors  went  over  $7;  the  great  majority,  however 
received  less  than  S5  a  week. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Women  Wage  Earners  work- 
ing at  Various  Wage  Levels,  as  reported  by  the  Employers  in  Several 
Candy  Factories  employing  from  10  to  50  Workers. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent 

Per  Cent, 
of  All 
Women 

OF  THE 

Number  of  Women  employed 

Factory 

Age  of  Workers 

(Years). 

AT  Wage  Levels  of  — 

Number. 

Workers 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

in  Each 

$5. 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

Factory. 

1. 

Under  18,   . 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

71.0 

2, 

Under  18,    . 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

18.2 

3. 

Under  18,    . 

44.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

60.0 

4, 

Under  18,    . 

40.0 

60.0 

80.0 

100.0 

- 

38.5 

5, 

Under  18,    . 

- 

50.0 

50.0 

50.0 

11.7 

1. 

18  and  over, 

36.4 

72.7 

90.9 

90.9 

9.1 

29.0 

2, 

18  and  over. 

35.7 

42.9 

67.9 

75.0 

25.0 

81.8 

3, 

18  and  over, 

16.7 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

40.0 

4, 

IS  and  over. 

12.5 

37.5 

75.0 

100.0 

61.5 

5, 

18  and  over, 

- 

6.7 

93.3 

88.2 

1, 

All  ages, 

81.6 

92.1 

'     97.4 

97.4 

2.6 

100.0 

2, 

All  ages, 

50.0 

55.6 

75.0 

80.6 

19.4 

100.0 

3, 

All  ages. 

33.3 

100.0 

100.0 

100. 0 

- 

100.0 

4, 

All  ages,      . 

23.1 

46.1 

76.9 

100.0 

- 

100.0 

5, 

All  ages,      . 

5.8 

11.7 

88.2 

100.0 

The  preceding  table  shows  the  wage  level  of  5  small  factories 
employing  from  10  to  50  women.  In  No.  1  the  wage  level  is 
lower  than  in  the  large  estabhshments,  but  in  Nos.  2,  3,  4  and 


60  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

5  it  is,  on  the  whole,  higher.  Evidently  a  minimum  wage  would 
bear  on  the  small  factories  no  more  heavily  than  on  the  others. 
.Possibly  the  smaller  factories  pay  better  than  the  large  fac- 
tories, to  attract  the  workers,  as  the  latter  are  better  known 
and  offer  certain  advantages.  Possibly  it  is  because  in  the 
small  factory  the  employer  knows  his  help  personally,  and  the 
human  element  enters  in.  The  worker  in  the  large  establish- 
ment is  dealt  with  by  the  owner  through  his  superintendent: 
an  order  goes  out  to  decrease  the  amount  spent  for  wages  and 
the  latter  puts  it  into  effect.  The  manufacturers  interviewed 
said  that  this  situation  would  hold  true  wherever  there  were 
big  and  small  employers.  This"  is  an  admission  that  workers 
are  not  paid  less  in  one  place  than  in  another  because  they  are 
worth  less  or  need  less,  but  simply  because  the  employer,  en- 
grossed in  financing  his  business  and  extending  it,  in  buying 
materials  advantageously,  and  in  keeping  to  the  front  in  methods 
of  manufacture,  forgets  that  his  pay  roll  represents  individual 
men  and  women  who  can  be  developed  so  that  they  will  become, 
by  their  efficiency  and  health,  increasingly  profitable,  or  who 
can  be  sucked  of  their  value  and  thrown  on  the  junk  heap  to 
be  cared  for  by  society.  It  is  a  question  whether  the  State,  for 
self-preservation  in  this  period  of  large  scale  industries,  should 
not  insist  on  a  substitute  for  the  old-time  personal  relation 
between  man  and  master,  to  secure  to  all  workers  at  least  what 
the  well-intentioned  manufacturer,  close  to  his  workmen,  feels 
that  he  should  and  can  pay. 

No  close  comparisons  can  be  made  between  the  factories  in 
Boston  and  in  other  localities  without  running  the  risk  of  dis- 
closing their  identity,  owing  to  the  small  number  of  large  estab- 
Hshments.  The  workers  in  small  factories  outside  of  the  cities 
were  lower  paid.  The  median  wage  group  in  the  latter  was  S4 
to  $4.49,  or  $1  less  than  in  Boston  and  Cambridge,  where  it 
was  $5  and  $5.49.  One-quarter  of  the  workers  received  $2.50 
a  week.  No  workers  in  Boston  or  Cambridge  were  found  who 
were  hired  at  $2.50  a  week,  although  44,  or  2.8  per  cent.,  netted 
less  than  $3  a  week,  owing  to  the  days  during  which  they  were 
not  employed  because  of  personal  reasons  or  because  they  were 
laid  off.  The  country  workers  had  the  advantage,  however,  of 
steady  employment.     The  head  of  one  such  estabhshment  said 


1912.]  ■         HOUSE  — No.  1697.  61 

that  if  work  was  slack  in  one  department  he  transferred  the  girls 
to  another.  He  kept  his  girls  throughout  the  year  as  there  was 
a  scarcity  of  labor,  and  if  he  laid  them  off  they  would  get  em- 
ployment elsewhere,  and  he  could  not  replace  them  satisfac- 
torily. The  wage  scale  is  in  general  a  little  higher  in  Boston 
than  in  Cambridge  and  elsewhere,  and  yet  one  factory  in  a 
city  outside  of  Boston  has  a  higher  wage  scale  than  Tialf  of  the 
factories.  No  generalization  about  the  wage  level  in  different 
localities  holds  good  any  more  than  it  does  for  factories  making 
the  same  grade  of  goods  or  different  grades  of  goods,  or  for 
large  or  small  factories.  The  only  conclusion  is  that  a  firm's 
policy  in  hiring  labor,  and  no  other  factor,  determines  its  wage 
scale. 

Three  employers  interviewed  stated  that  they  have  estab- 
Ushed  in  their  factories,  on  their  own  initiative,  a  minimum 
wage,  and  this  in  the  face  of  their  competitors,  who  are  paying 
the  lowest  wage  they  can.  One  of  these  manufacturers  has  a 
minimum  wage  of  $4,  one  of  $5  and  one  of  $7.  They  all  lay 
great  stress  on  the  added  efficiency  of  the  worker,  the  advantage 
of  permanency  in  the  working  force  and  the  increased  esprit  de 
corps.  These  men  have  given  constructive  consideration  to 
their  labor  problem. 

The  following  factories  show  their  wage  scale  based  on  the 
earnings  of  their  employees,  as  taken  by  the  investigators  from 
the  pay  rolls.  Unquestionably  the  earnings  are  less  than  the 
maximum  of  opportunity  shown  in  the  wage  levels,  but  the  varia- 
tion between  the  factories  is  not  changed  by  the  different  basis 
of  comparison.  Owing  to  the  fact  that  the  wages  of  minors 
were  not  taken  in  one  factory,  the  best  comparison  is  between 
the  wages  paid  to  adults. 


62 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  "Women  Wage  Earners  investi- 
gated in  Candy  Factories,  classified  by  Factories  and  Average  Weekly 
Earnings. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  Women  with 

Per  Cent. 

AVER.4.GE 

Weekly  Earnings  of  - 

_ 

of  All 

Factory 

Age  of  Work- 
ers (Years). 

Women 

Number. 

Workers 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

in  Each 

$4. 

$5. 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

Factory. 

1,     . 

Under  18,  . 

33.3 

100.0 

100.0 

7.1 

2.     . 

Under  18,  . 

60~0 

88*4 

98.3 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

34.3 

3,     . 

Under  18,  . 

-1 

-1 

-1 

-1 

33.0 

4,     . 

Under  18, . 

28"9 

82.4 

93.1 

96.8 

97.9 

2.1 

■  38.0 

5.     . 

Under  18,  . 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

34.8 

1,     . 

18  and  over, 

_ 

_ 

_ 

7.7 

28.2 

71.8 

92.9 

2,     .    •    . 

18  and  over,      . 

15.7 

37.4 

59.1 

79.1 

90.4 

9.6 

65.7 

3,     . 

18  and  over. 

21.9 

50.8 

74.4 

88.9 

96.8 

3. -2 

67.0 

4,     . 

18  and  over, 

8.2 

34.6 

61.8 

77.0 

88.8 

11.2 

61.9 

6.     .        . 

18  and  over, 

20.0 

53.3 

86.7 

100.0 

100.0 

65.2 

1.     . 

All  as:es,2  . 

_ 

_ 

3.6 

12.5 

30.4 

69.6 

100.0 

2.     . 

All  axes,  2  . 

30.5 

54.2 

71.7 

85.9 

93.0 

7.0 

100.0 

3,     . 

All  a<;es,2  . 

_x 

_i 

_i 

_i 

100.0 

4,     . 

Aliases,  2. 

16.1 

52.8 

73.7 

84.5 

92.3 

7.7 

100.0 

5,     . 

Allans,  2. 

46.9 

68.8 

87.5 

96.9 

96.9 

3.1 

100.0 

1  Not  rieported. 

*  A  few  workers  are  included  for  whom  earnings  were  reported,  but  not  age. 


The  employers  who  reported  on  their  wage  levels  stated  how 
many  women  earned  less  than  $5  a  week,  but  not  less  than  $4. 
This  figure  had  not  been  asked  for  by  the  Bureau  of  Statistics. 
The  investigation  made  in  the  5  factories  shows  that  many 
women  who  get  less  than  $5  really  get  less  than  $4.  If  a  $4 
minimum  were  established  in  any  of  the  factories  which  re- 
ported their  wage  levels  it  would  not  show  in  the  tables. 


Section  4.    Irregularity  of  Employment  in  the  Candy 

Trade. 
The  question  of  irregularity  of  employment  is  a  very  vital 
one  to  the  woman  earning  wages  which  barely  maintain  her 
even  when  she  has  steady  work.  There  is  no  margin  left,  over 
the  necessities  of  her  life,  against  the  out-of-work  period, 
whether  it  is  due  to  lack  of  employment,  sickness  or  the  effort 
to  find  more  satisfactory  work.  Not  only  do  the  idle  periods 
seriously  affect  the  worker's  purse,  but  irregularity  and  uncer- 
tainty inevitably  cause  deterioration  in  her  ability  to  make  the 
most  of  herself  and  her  slender  pay.  She  cannot  develop  fore- 
sight.    She  cannot  plan  the  wisest  expenditures,  while  indubi- 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  63 

tably  recurring  idleness,  with  its  attendant  anxiety,  tends  to 
impair  efficiency.  More  appealing  to  some  minds,  because  the 
relation  of  cause  and  effect  is  more  clear,  is  the  moral  downfall 
of  many  women  during  this  period  of  no  work,  no  money,  the 
discouragement  of  fruitless  search  for  work,  and  a  surfeit  of 
time. 

No  study  of  wages  is  complete  without  a  parallel  study  of 
the  steadiness  of  employment  and  the  expectation  of  time  to 
be  lost  on  account  of  sickness.  Every  industry  that  is  not 
essentially  seasonal  should  pay  enough  to  its  workers  to  main- 
tain them  through  the  slack  season  and  through  short  periods 
of  sickness.  This  investigation  throws  some  light  on  these 
points,  but  a  more  intensive  study  is  necessary  to  show  exactly 
how  much  time  is  lost,  and  for  what  causes. 

Holidays  and  Vacations. 

In  the  year  covered  by  our  investigations  there  were  seven 
legal  holidays;  next  year  there  will  be  eight,  including  Columbus 
Day.  These  hoHdays  are  a  dead  loss  to  the  worker;  six  days* 
wages  are  spread  over  seven  days'  expenses  in  ordinary  weeks, 
but  in  holiday  weeks  five  days'  wages  have  to  go  over  seven 
days.  To  the  average  worker  earning  S308.60  a  year,  $7.90 
makes  an  appreciable  difference.  One  firm  pays  for  holidays 
when  a  worker  has  been  with  them  for  three  years;  one  other 
was  reported  to  pay  for  Christmas;  one  for  Thanksgiving,  and 
one  for  Christmas  and  the  Fourth  of  July.  These  are  the  rare 
exceptions. 

Since  most  workers  feel  the  need  of  a  vacation,  a  short  one 
will  be  taken  where  it  is  in  any  way  ppssible,  even  though  none 
is  paid  for,  as  in  the  candy  industry. 

Shutdowns. 

In  1908 1  the  83  factories  reported  that  they  were  in  operation 
on  a  weighted  average  271.93  days  out  of  the  305  working  days, 
or  89  per  cent,  of  the  year.  A  factory  is  in  operation  even 
though  only  a  small  part  of  its  force  is  employed. 

There  is  little  uniformity  among  the  factories  in  the  length 
of  time  which  they  are  closed  during  the  year.     A  few  of  the 

1  Statistics  of  Manufactures,  Bureau  of  Statistics,  1908,  p.  121. 


64 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan, 


larger  ones  close  for  a  week  or  two  after  Christmas  and  for  a 
week  or  two  in  July. 

This  does  not  mean  that  there  is  steady  work  for  every  em- 
ployee during  the  rest  of  the  year.  One  of  the  large  factories, 
in  addition  to  closing  the  entire  factory  for  two  weeks,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  forewomen  who  could  fill  emergency  orders, 
shut  down  a  department  here  for  a  day,  and  there  for  another, 
until  it  aggregated  for  the  majority  of  the  workers  two  or  four 
weeks  of  idleness  more  than  the  general  shutdown  of  two  weeks. 
All  of  this  fell  in  the  dull  half  of  the  year.  The  following  tables 
show  how  difficult  it  would  have  been,  since  the  days  are  sa 
scattered,  for  even  an  unusually  enterprising  worker  to  have 
filled  in  the  time  with  supplementary  work.  Many  employers 
distribute  the  days  intentionally,  so  that  the  loss  in  any  one 
week's  pay  will  be  less. 


Irregularity  of  Employment  in  One  Factory 

Shutdown. 


besides  the  Two  Weeks* 


Date. 


Jan.  7, 
14, 

Feb.  11, 
18, 
25, 

Mar.  11, 
15, 
18, 
25, 

April    1, 


Number 
of  Days 
closed. 


2 
2 
2 

214 
Sand  2 


Number 
of  De- 
partments 
closed. 


5 

2 
2 
2 
1 

11 
1 
2 
4 
14 


Date. 


April  22, 
29, 

May  6, 
13, 
20, 
27, 

June  3, 
4, 
10, 
11, 
17, 
25, 


Number 
of  Days 

closed. 


Number 
of  De- 
partments 
closed,    i 


12 

18  • 

_2 

11 

_2 
_S 

3 


il 

■ 

I 


Men  only. 


2  All  women. 


3  All. 


1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


65 


Number  of  Days  Each  Department  was  closed. 

Departments. 

Working 
Days 
closed. 

Departments. 

Working 
Days 
closed. 

1 

2, 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7, 

8. 

9 

10 

11 

12, 

13 

9 
14 
23 
19 

6 

19 
13 
24 
19 
16 
28H 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22,      .        .        .        .     ■    . 

23, 

24 

25 

26 

514 

20>^ 

183^ 

\m 

15 

m 

15 

19 

15H 
15 
13 
5H 

Another  large  factory  closed  for  one  week,  but  the  aggregate 
of  time  lost  was  from  two  to  five  weeks. 

One  manager,  who  kept  his  large  factory  open  all  but  three 
days  during  the  past  year,  is  to  follow  the  plan  next  year  of 
some  of  the  other  leaders,  of  closing  two  weeks  in  July,  since, 
as  he  argues,  the  employees  would  take  a  vacation  at  some 
time  during  the  summer  in  any  case,  and  it  is  better  manage- 
ment to  have  the  entire  factory  closed. 

Some  of  the  large,  although  not  the  largest,  factories  work 
steadily  through  the  year.  One  lost  only. eight  days  scattered 
through  the  summer.  Time  was  generally  lost  during  the 
excessive  heat  of  early  July.  On  the  other  hand,  some  fac- 
tories keep  their  employees  on  for  several  months  on  part  time. 
One  factory  was  open  but  two  or  three  days  a  week  for  four 
months;  one  was  open  only  three  or  four  days  a  week  for  four 
months,  in  addition  to  a  complete  shutdown  for  two  and  one- 
half  weeks. 

It  is  a  considerable  advantage  to  hold  steady  and  experienced 
workers.  To  one  employer  this  advantage  appeals  so  strongly 
that  he  does  not  shut  down  at  all,  and  he  also  gives  a  week's 
paid  vacation  to  his  employees,  the  only  paid  vacation  given 


66  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

except  by  a  few  small  retail  and  manufacturing  jBrms  outside 
of  the  Boston  district. 

The  disadvantages  of  not  following  this  course  are  stated  by 
a  candy  manufacturer  in  a  letter  to  the  commission.  He  shows 
clearly  the  heavy  indirect  cost  of  cheap  labor. 

You  will  note  from  report  to  the  Bureau  of  Statistics  that  the  num- 
ber of  our  female  employees  varies  considerably  during  the  year, 
increasing  over  80  per  cent,  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest  point 
during  1910. 

The  result  of  a  big  seasonable  demand  for  female  help  like  this 
means  that,  during  the  dull  time  of  the  year,  the  girls  we  discharge 
at  Christmas  drift  into  other  Unes  of  employment,  consequently 
when  our  biggest  demand  comes,  from  September  to  December,  we 
are  compelled  to  again  teach  many  inexperienced  girls.  The  small 
output  and  the  loss  through  spoilage  of  the  inexperienced  girls  made 
them  undesirable  help. 

In  many  cases,  even  at  a  small  rate  of  pay,  they  increase  the  labor 
cost  on  the  goods  materially.  Another  unsatisfactory  feature  is  that, 
of  the  many  inexperienced  girls  we  hire  during  the  busy  season,  only 
a  small  percentage  become  of  any  value  as  actual  producers.  Of  a 
lot  of  say  50  girls  hired  on  Monday  morning,  we  will  often  lose  or  dis- 
charge 25  of  them  before  the  end  of  the  week.  Before  the  end  of  the 
second  week  the  lot  will  sometimes  be  reduced  to  10. 

*l 

The  factories  outside  of  Boston  give  steadier  work.  One  em- 
ployer in  a  factory  that  closes  for  only  two  weeks  says  that  if 
one  department  is  short  of  work,  instead  of  dismissing  the  work- 
ers for  a  day,  as  would  be  done  in  Boston,  he  transfers  them  to 
other  parts  of  the  work.  He  must,  even  at  a  sacriJ&ce,  keep 
his  employees,  as  he  finds  it  hard  to  replace  them  satisfactorily. 

The  following  table  shows  the  irregularity  of  employment  as 
reported  by  12  large  factories.  The  month  during  which  the 
maximum  of  workers  were  employed  in  each  factory  is  counted 
for  that  factory  as  100  per  cent.  The  percentages  for  the  other 
months  are  based  on  the  maximum.  Some  establishments  seem 
much  better  able  than  others  to  cope  with  the  seasonal  ele- 
ment. This  point  would  not  be  brought  out  in  any  general 
average  for  the  trade.  Moreover,  a  general  average  would  even 
down  the  irregularities,  because  the  height  of  the  ^season  and 
the  slack  period  do  not  come  in  the  same  month  for  the  dif- 
ferent factories. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


67 


Per  Cent,  of  Women  employed,  by  Months,  in  the  Several  Candy  Fac- 
tories which  reported  over  95  Employees,^ 


Factory 

Number. 

t 

1 

•-5 
< 

1 

i 

1 
< 

1 

j 

1 
1 

1 

1. 

36.3 

37.8 

41.4 

36.0 

33.3 

32.7 

22.7 

36.6 

78.6 

100.0 

81.0 

51.4 

2, 

72.5 

72.5 

72.5 

72.5 

72.5 

70.0 

70.0 

70.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

3. 

73.1 

73.1 

71.3 

71.3 

68.9 

85.1 

97.1 

83.9 

100.0 

95.9 

67.7 

75.5 

4. 

55.7 

57.3 

63.6 

63.8 

65.8 

66.7 

67.8 

76.6 

83.2 

99.5 

100.0 

89.7 

5, 

55.2 

67.6 

66.9 

63.4 

59.3 

65.6 

58.6 

82.1 

95.3 

94.5 

100.0 

90.4 

6. 

56.8 

60.6 

69.7 

54.6 

57.6 

•  57.6 

57.6 

57.6 

79.6 

86.4 

100.0 

100.0 

7, 

66.6 

60.1 

65.2 

81.2 

78.3 

82.6 

68.8 

77.6 

100.0 

92.1 

95.0 

92.1 

8. 

81.1 

85.0 

82.3 

76.0 

81.1 

82.0 

100.0 

92.5 

92.2 

80.3 

83.0 

90,5 

9, 

75.8 

72.8 

73.8 

80.8 

100.0 

91.0 

92.9 

89.9 

95.0 

98.0 

98.0 

98.0 

10. 

57.7 

57.7 

65.4 

47.1 

57.7 

55.8 

43.3 

48.1 

89.4 

100.0 

90.4 

69.2 

11, 

82.4 

91.0 

83.6 

73.9 

77.9 

96.6 

84.1 

87.5 

100.0 

93.8 

90,4 

97.8 

12. 

52.0 

70.7 

69.7 

69.8 

71.4 

78.2 

81.6 

87.8 

97.3 

100.0 

95.3 

81.1 

1  The  highest  monthly  average 
are  based  on  that. 


taken  as  100,  and  the  percentages  for  the  other  months 


Loss  of  Time  by  Individual  Employees,  as  shown  on  the  Pay 

Rolls. 
Just  as  the  average  flat  rate  of  wages  does  not  tell  the  story 
of  the  earnings  of  the  workers,  so  the  average  number  of  days 
that  factories  are  in  operation  does  not  show  the  irregularity 
of  employment  for  the  individual  worker.  The  table  in  the 
Appendix  ^  shows  the  actual  number  of  days  of  unemployment 
of  each  woman  who  was  in  the  service  of  one  firm  throughout 
the  year.     It  is  summarized  as  follows:  — 


2  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  263. 


68 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


1 


i 


■^1 


If 

J" 


I  I 


1 


?i. 


CO       O 

4^ 


Average 
Percentage 
of  the  Year 
unemployed, 

based  on 

305  Working 

Days. 

00      eoo 

^     -., 

T}<r-I 

O            -TttT-l 

eo 

Average 
Number  of 

Days 
unemployed 

for 
All  Women. 

OPO 

t^       ^Oi 

ec      M 

1-1      e^eo 

Oi        <M-«lt< 

a> 

ss 

§  -^^ 

.-leo 

Percentage 

of  Total 
Unemploy- 
ment 
due  to  Each 
Cause. 

KIS 

74.1 

3.5 
8.0 

^   "' 

00      a>i>. 

CO 

eo 

Aggregate 
Number  of 

Days 
unemployed 

for 
All  Women. 

0>      eOTjt 

§  s- 

=  .i 

;2   f2§ 

OS      eo 

Per  Cent, 
reporting 
Unemploy- 
ment. 

05  0> 

e«      ecoo 

a>     <oco 

eo      osi-i 

00      to^ 

^ 

§g 

§      S§3 

"5      ^ 

-  ss 

g3    '^'^ 

U5 

Number 
reporting 
Unemploy- 
ment. 

1   SS; 

O         »OrH 

»  s§ 

2    ""^ 

S 

^   CI 

Jl 

Under  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

Under  $6. 
$6  and  over. 

Under  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

Under  |6, 
$6  and  over, 

Under  $6, 
16  and  over. 

i 

m 

i 
1 
1 

.9 

a 

CJ 

"S 

Total, 

Sickness 

tn 

■ ! 

© 

H     1 

■  1 

3  i 

'    1 

•  'S 

.a 

•  1 

.1 

•  \ 

a 

a 

a 

1 

1 

1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


69 


^'  1 

.  ::-"^ 

05          OSt^ 

CO 

<M 

^        USlO 

2.8 

30.3 
23.4 

o 
oo' 

IM 

fO 

T-(5ci 

11.2 

100.0 
100.0 

o 

8 

§• 

60 

1,113 
252 

1,365 

9,621 
3,799 

o 

«o 

1.0 

28.7 
11.7 

22.9 

100.0 
97.0 

o 

U3    1 

"«    S2 

2    ^E; 

Under  $6, 

$6  and  over,    , 

Under  $6, 

$6  and  over,     . 

Under  $6, 

$6  and  over,     . 

i 

1 

"o 

1 
1 

1 

a 

e 

i 

1 

1  a 

(3 

■    S 
8 

li 

3 

70  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

The  great  cause  for  the  loss  of  time  is  industrial;  74.1  per 
cent,  of  the  days  lost  was  due  to  this  cause.  Only  4.8  per  cent., 
or  23  of  the  479  candy  workers,  lost  no  time  for  industrial 
reasons.  Some  of  the  latter  were  forewomen  on  a  salary,  and 
received  a  flat  rate  the  year  round,  including  a  vacation  when 
the  factory  closed.  The  average  loss  of  time  to  each  of  the 
479  was  3  weeks  and  2.7  days,  although  the  average  for  the 
woman  who  earned  less. than  $6  was  7  days  greater  than  for 
the  woman  who  earned  $6  and  over,  and  was  better  able  to 
bear  it.  The  longest  time  any  worker  who  was  counted  as 
having  worked  throughout  the  year  was  out  in  the  aggregate 
for  industrial  reasons  was  eleven  weeks. 

Of  the  days  lost,  4.7  per  cent,  were  due  to  sickness.  If  a 
woman  were  sick  over  five  weeks  she  would  not  be  included  as 
one  of  the  annual  workers.  Of  all  the  workers,  15.9  per  cent, 
were  noted  to  have  lost  time  by  sickness.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  22.8  per  cent,  of  all  the  workers  who  earned  $6  or 
over  were  absent  more  or  less  for  sickness,  while  of  the  workers 
who  earned  less  than  $6  only  12.3  per  cent,  were  absent  for 
this  cause.  Whether  a  greater  number  of  the  better-paid 
women  felt  that  they  could  indulge  in  the  luxury  of  staying  at 
home  when  they  were  sick,  or  whether  more  of  these  better- 
paid  women,  who,  as  was  shown  in  the  table  concerning  expe- 
rience, had  been  undergoing  the  industrial  strain  for  a  longer 
period,  had  succumbed  to  the  strain,  these  figures  do  not  tell. 
The  average  absence  for  sickness  for  the  whole  479  was  one- 
tenth  of  a  day.  It  is  probable  that  some  of  the  2.8  days  that 
each  worker  lost  on  the  average,  for  no  given  cause,  conceals 
sickness.  It  is  difficult  for  the  women  to  remember  back 
through  the  year  every  time  that  sickness  prevented  work  for 
a  day  or  two.  On  some  of  the  pay  rolls  sickness  of  any  dura- 
tion was  noted,  but  no  account  was  taken  of  the  reason  for 
short  absences.  That  no  more  time  was  lost  has  been  ex- 
plained by  the  statement  that  "the  candy  worker  could  not 
afford  to  be  sick." 

These  workers  were  practically  never  absent  on  account  of 
sickness  in  the  family.  It  is  fair  to  suppose  from  the  table 
showing  the  contribution  to  the  family,  and  from  their  standard 
of  living,  as  seen  by  the  investigators,  that  the  girFs  wages 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  71 

were  too  much  needed  to  allow  her  to  stay  at  home  to  look 
after  any  sick  member  of  the  family.  Six  and  eight-tenths  per 
cent,  of  the  days  lost  was  due  to  voluntary  absence  of  the 
worker  for  personal  reasons,  or  an  average  per  worker  of  1.9 
days  a  year.  There  were,  however,  only  22.8  per  cent,  of  the 
workers  who  were  absent  for  personal  reasons,  and  the  median 
number  of  days  they  were  away  from  work  was  seven.  The 
women  earning  over  $6  averaged  two  days  more  of  absence  than 
the  more  poorly  paid  workers.  Forty  and  one-tenth  per  cent, 
of  the  better  paid  were  away  voluntarily,  to  13.9  per  cent,  of 
the  others.  Apparently  the  larger  proportion  of  the  steadier 
girls  are  not  absent  voluntarily,  since  they  must  take  a  vacation 
during  the  factory  shutdowns. 

To  summarize  the  findings  of  this  table,  the  steadiest  and  the 
most  skilled  group  of  workers,  those  who  are  employed  through- 
out the  year,  for  all  reasons  combined,  lose  on  the  average  four 
weeks  and  four  days. 


72 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


I 


1 1 


to 


;§ 


C3 


^ 


0 

Average 
Per  Cent. 

of  the 
Year  lost 
for  given 

Reasons. 

(Nt>. 

o     oot>. 

t-      eoeo 

00     c»i>. 

00 

o 

00  to 

i>^     cic^j 

(>i      CO 

e<i      c<i  N 

C4 

K 

g" 

1^ 

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lO        00  .-J 

00 

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z 

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s 

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lo      eoeo 

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^ 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  73 

This  table  shows  the  amount  of  the  unemployed  time,  where 
the  cause  for  the  unemployment  was  reported,  of  the  492 
women  who  worked  only  part  of  the  year  at  the  candy  indus- 
try. No  one  who  had  worked  less  than  four  weeks  was 
counted.  The  percentage  of  time  lost  for  industrial  causes  is 
considerably  less  than  for  the  year-round  workers,  4  per  cent, 
of  the  period  employed,  against  7  per  cent,  of  the  year.  The 
casual  workers  probably  came  and  went  in  answer  to  the  special 
need  of  the  factory,  and  so  were  there  when  it  ran  most  steadily. 
Fifty  per  cent,  of  all  reported  the  loss  of  some  time  for  industrial 
reasons.  The  great  majority,  however,  were  among  those  earn- 
ing less  than  $6  a  week.  The  percentage  of  time  lost  for  sick- 
ness by  the  part-time  worker  was  nearly  five  times  as  great  as 
for  the  year-round  worker.  The  women  in  poor  health  prob- 
ably were  in  the  latter  class.  Seven  and  nine-tenths  per  cent, 
reported  loss  of  time  because  of  sickness. 

The  percentage  of  time  lost  by  the  part-of-the-year  class 
because  of  sickness  at  home  is  five  times  as  great  as  that  of  the 
other  class.  The  cheaper  workers  stayed  at  home  much  more 
often  than  their  sisters  who  could  contribute  more  to  the  family 
income;  but  only  8.5  per  cent,  of  all  were  ever  at  home  for 
this  cause. 

For  personal  reasons,  about  three  times  as  much  time  was 
lost.  Ten  and  eight-tenths  per  cent,  lost  some  time  for  this 
cause. 

The  pith  of  the  matter  is  that  the  most  shifting  class  of  the 
workers,  who  averaged  about  38  weeks'  employment,  for  the 
factories  where  the  investigators  saw  them,  were  absent  three 
to  five  times  as  much  for  reasons  more  or  less  within  their  own 
control  as  were  the  steadier  class  of  workers.  These  figures 
are  based  on  too  few  reports  to  be  considered  more  than  sug- 
gestive. It  is,  however,  a  reasonable  suggestion  that  pro- 
longed tenure  of  a  position  would  develop  reliability  and  the 
habit  of  work.  It  would  have  been  illuminating  to  have 
obtained  in  detail  the  history  of  the  unemployment  of  each 
girl  prior  to  her  entrance  to  the  factory  where  she  was  when 
seen.  There  was  not  sufficient  time  to  investigate  further, 
although  it  was  recognized  that  the  question  of  the  duration 


74  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

of  employment,  the  ease  with  which  new  employment  is  found, 
and  the  loss  due  to  sickness  stands  second  to  the  rate  of  wages 
in  the  consideration  of  women's  earnings. 

Flux  of  Employees  in  Typical  Factory. 

There  are  a  substantial  number  of  workers  in  the  candy 
industry  who  find  steady  employment.  Of  the  971  women 
interviewed,  479,  or  49.3  per  cent.,  were  employed  throughout 
the  year  by  the  same  firm.  This  does  not  mean  that  one-half 
of  the  candy  workers  have  steady  employment.  Wherever  an 
investigation  is  made,  all  the  workers  who  are  employed  steadily 
throughout  the  year  are  counted,  but  of  the  more  floating  help, 
only  that  part  which  happens  to  be  in  the  factory  at  that  time 
is  considered.  The  proportion  of  the  floaters  to  the  steady 
help  is  shown  in  the  following  table.  It  is  based  on  all  of  the 
employees  eighteen  years  old  or  over  —  the  steadier  portion  — 
w;ho  worked  in  one  factory  for  any  length  of  time  during  1910. 
This  firm  stated  that  they  discharged  no  workers  in  the  spring 
because  of  the  approaching  dull  season,  but  as  they  hired  no 
new  workers,  the  natural  wastage  took  care  of  their  unneces- 
sary surplus. 

Only  32.5  per  cent,  of  these  adult  women  had  been  in  the 
factory  throughout  the  year.  Their  average  earnings  were 
$6.09,  —  high  earnings  as  the  candy  trade  goes,  but  these 
workers  were  the  backbone  of  the  factory. 

The  67.5  per  cent,  of  floaters  were  divided  into  three  classes, 
those  who  were  in  the  factory  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  but 
had  left,  16.8  per  cent,  of  the  whole  force;  those  who  entered 
during  the  year  and  were  still  there  at  its  end,  18.8  per  cent.; 
and  those  who  had  entered  and  left  during  the  year,  31.8  per 
cent.  The  first  two  of  these  classes  may  have  been  permanent 
help,  or  destined  to  become  such.  Their  average  earnings  for 
the  average  time  they  worked,  sixteen  and  nineteen  weeks,  were 
$4.54  and  $4.94.  The  latter  class  had  worked  through  the 
busy  season  and  secured  a  bonus.  The  women  who  entered 
and  left  during  the  year  averaged  seven  weeks  as  their  period 
of  employment,  and  $3.68  as  weekly  earnings. 

Each  class  is  divided  by  the  period  of  time  the  women  were 
in  the  service  of  the  factory.     With  great  regularity  almost 


d 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  75 

invariably  the  wages  increase  with  the  length  of  time  the 
worker  was  employed.  It  is  possible  that  these  floaters  would 
be  "worth,"  as  the  manufacturer  puts  it,  as  much  as  the  annual 
workers  if  they  were  given  steady  employment,  training  and 
increased  wages,  instead  of  being  allowed  to  become  demoralized 
by  their  more  or  less  casual  work. 

Table  showing  Flvx  of  Workers  in  a  Typical  Factory. 
All  employees  eighteen  years  old  or  over,  counted  as  (per  cent.),     100 . 0 
Employees  who  remained  in  the  factory  for  entire  year  (per 

cent.), 32.5 

Employees  who  were  in  the  factory  a  part  of  the  year  (per 

cent.), 67.5 

Employees  who  were  in  the  factory  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year,  but  who  left  before  the  end  of  the  year  (per 
cent.), 16.8 

Employees  who  were  in  the  factory  at  the  end  of  the  year, 

but  not  at  the  beginning  (per  cent.),         .       .       .       .      18.8 

Employees  who  began  and  left  during  the  year  (per  cent.),      31 .8 
For  the  32.5  per  cent,  of  the  annual  workers,  the  average  period 
of  employment  was  forty-nine  weeks,  and  the  average 

earnings  were $6  09 

For  the  16.8  per  cent,  the  average  period  of  employment  was 
sixteen  weeks  and  four  days,  and  the  average  earnings 
were $4  54 

48.3  per  cent,  were  employed  one  week  to  thirteen  weeks, 
with  average  earnings  of $4  02 

29.3  per  cent,  were  employed  eighteen  to  twenty-six  weeks, 

with  average  earnings  of $4  94 

15.6  per  cent,  were  employed  twenty-seven  to  thirty- 
eight  weeks,  with  average  earnings  of        .       .       .       .     $5  06 

6.7  per  cent,  were  employed  thirty-nine  to  fifty  weeks, 

with  average  earnings  of $5  47 

For  the  18.8  per  cent,  the  average  period  of  employment  was 
nineteen  weeks  and  three  days,  and  the  average  earn- 
ings were $4  94 

34  per  cent,  were  employed  one  week  to  thirteen  weeks, 

with  average  earnings  of $4  92 

40  per  cent,  were  employed  fourteen  to  twenty-six  weeks, 

with  average  earnings  of      .       .       .      ^ .       .       .       .    $4  76 

14  per  cent,  were  employed  twenty-seven  to  thirty-eight 
weeks,  with  average  earnings  of $5  12 

12  per  cent,  were  employed  thirty-nine  to  fifty  weeks,  with 
average  earnings  of $5  39 


76  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

For  the  31.8  per  cent,  the  average  period  of  employment  was 
seven  weeks  and  four  days,  and  the  average  earnings 
were $3  68 

81  per  cent,  were  employed  one  week  to  thirteen  weeks, 
with  average  earnings  of $3  51 

15.3  per  cent,  were  employed  fourteen  to  twenty-six  weeks, 
with  average  earnings  of $4  32 

3.5  per  cent,  were  employed  twenty-seven  to  thirty-eight 
weeks,  with  average  earnings  of $4  83 

Changes  from  Factory  to  Factory  and  from  Trade  to  Trade,  and 
the  Worker's  Reasons. 

Number  of  Workers  who  shifted  from  Factory  to  Factory  or  from 
Occupation  to  Occupation. 


Workers 

BBPORTINQ. 

,  Number  Shifting. 

Years  at  Work. 

a 

6 

1 

IS 

03 

i 

o 

1 

a 

1 

8 

B 
H 

1 

1 
m 

1 

■1 

a 

Less  than  1  year,  . 

97 

12.1 

46 

35 

11 

4 

1 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

1  year  to  4  years,  . 

379 

47.4 

122 

142 

71 

28 

11 

4 

1 

- 

- 

- 

4  to  10  years, 

267 

33.6 

84 

79 

65 

14 

11 

8 

2 

2 

1 

1 

10  years  and  over, 

56 

7.0 

12 

24 

7 

9 

4 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Total,      . 

799 

100.0 

264 

280 

154 

55 

27 

12 

3 

2 

1 

1 

The  preceding  table,  showing  the  number  of  changes  from 
factory  to  factory  made  by  the  operatives  in  the  light  of  their 
years  of  work  in  various  industries,  gives  264,  or  33  per  cent., 
who  had  never  been  in  any  factory  but  the  one  in  which  they 
began  to  work.  Of  these  264,  46,  or  17.4  per  cent.,  had  worked 
less  than  a  year;  122,  or  46.3  per  cent.,  had  worked  from  one 
to  four  years,  and  96,  or  36.4  per  cent.,  had  worked  from  four 
to  over  twenty-one  years. 

On  the  other  hand,  of  the  girls  who  had  worked  less  than  a 
year,  51,  or  52.6  per  cent.,  had  changed  employment  at  least 
once,  and  some  of  them  had  drifted  from  place  to  place,  one 
having  made  four  changes  in  the  few  months  that  she  had 
worked.  The  average  number  of  changes  per  worker  increases 
very  little  after  the  second  year  of  work,  even  though  the  work- 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


77 


ing  period  is  longer.  The  worker  has  become  skilled  and  more 
valuable,  and  no  longer  has  to  go  through,  to  such  an  extent, 
the  demorahzing  process  of  floating  around  from  job  to  job. 

There  is  not  only  drifting  from  concern  to  concern  but  from 
trade  to  trade.  Twenty-four  and  four-tenths  per  cent,  had 
been  in  another  trade,  7.2  per  cent,  in  two  other  trades,  and 
4  per  cent,  in  three  other  trades.  As  the  experience  table 
shows,  the  worker  is  slightly  better  off  from  the  standpoint  of 
wages  if  she  persists  in  one  trade. 

Sixty-eight  per  cent,  relied  on  the  candy  trade  alone  for 
employment.  Although  it  is  to  a  certain  extent  seasonal,  they 
did  not  report  piecing  out  with  other  work. 


Number  of  Trades  at  which  the  Workers  were  employed. 


Total 
Number 

of 
Workers 
report- 
ing. 

Number  who  have  Worked  at  — 

Years  at  Work. 

Candy 
Trade 
only. 

One 
Other 
Trade. 

Two 
other 
Trades. 

Three 

Other 
Trades. 

Less  than  1  year, 
1  year  to  4  years, 
4  years  to  30  years. 

136 
416 
349 

96 
272 
244 

34 
108 
78 

6 
34 
25 

2 
2 

Total 

Percent 

901 

100.0  ■ 

612 
68.0 

220 
24.4 

65 

7.2 

4 

.4 

Reasons  why  the  Workers  changed  from 

Place  to  Place. 

Reasons  for  leaving. 

Number. 

Percent. 

Slack  work  or  none, 

185 

22.1 

Conditions  of  work  and  work  place,       ...... 

49 

5.8 

Ambition  of  the  worker, 

290 

34.5 

Sickness, 

48 

5.7          ■ 

Sickness  in  worker's  family,    ........ 

13 

1.5 

Personal  considerations 

255 

30.4 

8401 

100.0 

1  No  reason  is  reported  for  131  shifts  of  employment. 


The  reason  given  in  34.5  per  cent,  of  the  cases  was  a  desire 
to  get  more  pay,  or,  to  a  lesser  extent,  the  wish  to  better  them- 


78 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


selves  by  more  satisfactory  working  conditions,  or  more  oppor- 
tunity for  advancement.  Twenty-seven  and  nine-tenths  per 
cent,  of  the  changes  were  attributed  to  industrial  causes;  these 
were  largely  due  to  slack  work  or  to  none  at  all;  in  less  than 
about  one-fourth  of  the  cases,  to  the  condition  of  the  work  or 
of  the  working  place.  Thirty  and  four-tenths  per  cent,  gave 
personal  reasons,  such  as  disagreement  with  the  forewoman, 
wanting  to  work  with  friends,  dislike  of  the  smell  of  chocolate, 
etc. 

Section  5.    The  Economic  Condition  of  the  Candy 

Worker. 

Living  Conditions. 


Age  (Years). 

Living  at  Home;  a 

Male  Wage  Earner 

IN  THE  Familt. 

Living  at  Home; 
NO  Male  Wage 
Earner  in  the 

Family. 

Adrift. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent, 

Under  16,  . 
16  and  17,  . 
18  to  20,      . 
21  to  24,      . 
25  and  over. 

85 
173 
226 
95 
74 

13.3 
26.5 
34.6 
14.5 
11.3 

14 
26 
36 
18 
21 

12.2 
22.6 
31.3 
15.6 
18.3 

I 
2 
3 

7 
8 

4.8- 

9.5 
14  3 
33.3  1 
38.1   i 

Total,  . 

653    , 

82.1 

.  115 

14.6 

21 

27  ^ 

The  women  workers  divide  naturally  into  three  classes, 
according  to  their  living  conditions.  There  is  the  woman  who 
is  living  at  home  with  her  parents  or  male  relatives;  the  woman 
who  is  living  with  some  female  relatives  who  struggles  to  sup- 
port this  broken  family  unit  with  the  help  of  the  one  or  more 
other  women  who  compose  it;  and,  lastly,  the  woman  who  is 
practically  without  a  home  of  any  sort  and  is  wholly  dependent , 
upon  her  own  exertions.  fl 

It  has  been  frequently  stated  that  the  girl  or  woman  who 
Hves  at  home  does  not  need  the  same  wage  as  a  woman  who  is 
entirely  self-dependent.  It  is  true  that  co-operative  living  is 
cheaper  than  living  alone,  but  it  is  fair  to  question  how  great 
that  difference  is.  The  woman  at  home  has  the  same  expendi- 
ture as  the  woman  adrift  for  clothing,  car  fares,  dentistry, 
doctor's  fees,  medicine,  church,  recreation,  and  for  savings  for 


% 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  79 

old  age  and  burial,  and  for  savings  against  sickness  and  shut- 
down of  employment.  Her  family  will  care  for  her  when  she 
is  sick  or  laid  off,  but  she  too  must  bear  in  turn  her  share  of 
the  expense  of  the  sickness  and  lack  of  employment  of  the  other 
members  of  the  family.  Her  outlay  for  this  is  larger  even  than 
that  of  the  girl  adrift,  for  she  must  bear,  in  addition  to  her  own 
share,  her  proportion  due  to  the  illness  of  the  mother  and 
sometimes  of  a  grown-up  brother  or  sister,  and  of  the  children 
who  are  not  wage  earners.  Time  and  again  in  the  investiga- 
tion girls  were  met  who  were  helping  to  support  a  compara- 
tively young  father  industrially  disabled  by  rheumatism  or 
some  chronic  trouble. 

The  saving  of  co-operative  living  comes  in  the  items  of  rent 
and  food.  Rent,  even  when  it  is  estimated  reasonably,  so  as 
to  include  heat,  light,  the  interest  on  the  furniture  and  the  cost 
of  its  upkeep,  is  less  than  the  cost  of  a  furnished  room.  It  is 
not  very  much  less,  however,  unless  the  family  is  crowded  into 
its  tenement  beyond  the  limit  of  physical  well-being.  Food 
costs  less  at  home.  The  usual  custom  of  the  restaurant  keeper 
is  to  charge  double  the  cost  of  materials.  The  cost  of  man- 
agement, preparation  and  service  in  the  home  lies  in  the  main- 
tenance, clothing  and  general  expenses  of  the  mother,  of  which 
the  adult  daughter  must  bear  her  share. 

The  girl  who  lives  at  home  and  works  for  "pin  money"  is 
the  rare  exception.  One  and  two-tenths  per  cent,  of  the  candy 
workers  gave  none  of  their  wages  to  the  home,  and  78.5  per  cent, 
gave  all  they  earned;  20.3  per  cent,  gave  a  part.  In  the  1910 
federal  investigation  of  one-half  as  many  workers  in  the  fac- 
tories of  all  descriptions  in  Boston,  1.9  per  cent,  gave  none  of 
their  earnings  to  the  home,  61.7  per  cent,  all  and  36.4  per  cent, 
a  part.  If  the  difference  between  the  two  investigations  as  to 
the  number  turning  in  part  instead  of  all  their  pay  has  any 
significance,  it  may  lie  in  the  facts  that  the  candy  industry  has 
almost  the  largest  proportion  of  low-paid  workers  in  Boston; 
that  the  workers  come  from  poor  families,  and  that  it  employs 
a  large  proportion  of  foreign  workers  (29.7  per  cent.)  and  the 
native-born  daughters  of  foreign  parents  (52.6  per  cent.),  with 
whom  it  is  traditional  to  turn  over  the  pay  envelope.  Both 
investigations  dispose  conclusively  of  the  pin-money  argument. 


80  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

The  manufacturers  questioned  on  this  point  agreed  that  the 
candy  workers  Hving  at  home  needed  all  their  wages  and  were 
dependent  upon  them.  No  one  at  all  conversant  with  the  facts 
believes  that  any  proportion  of  the  women  workers  do  not 
need  every  cent  they  earn. 

Christine  G.'s  Nova  Scotian  father  could  earn  S20  a  week  as 
an  iron  worker  before  he  became  deaf  from  the  noise;  now  he 
gets  work  when  he  can.  iVhen  he  works  they  save  to  pay  the 
rent  and  the  life  insurance.  When  he  cannot  get  work  the 
father,  mother  and  daughter  live  on  the  daughter's  wage.  Last 
year,  working  on  a  candy  machine  every  day  except  the  twelve 
days  that  she  was  laid  off,  she  averaged  $4.03  a  week.  Chris- 
tine is  eighteen  years  old  and  has  had  nine  years'  schoohng. 

Not  suJSicient  attention  has  been  paid  in  statistics  nor  in 
popular  discussion  to  the  broken  family.  No  family  has  been 
included  in  this  group  where  there  is  even  a  son  of  fourteen 
who  is  a  wage  earner,  for  in  a  few  years  he  will  earn  the  maxi- 
mum pay  for  a  laboring  man.  No  account  has  been  taken  of 
the  fact  that  brothers  and  uncles  do  not  usually  contribute  as 
much  to  a  family  as  the  women  wage  earners;  they  usually  pay 
a  definite  board,  while  the  woman  turns  in  all  she  makes. 

Fourteen  and  six-tenths  per  cent,  of  the  women  whom  we 
saw  were  members  of  such  units.  The  women  do  not  form  a 
small  body  of  exceptions  that  can  be  waived  as  unfortunates 
for  whom  charity  must  care.  This  is  not  to  argue  that  indus- 
try must  be  reconstructed  to  enable  them  to  earn  enough  to 
support  a  family.  The  support  of  an  entire  family  does  not 
usually  fall  to  them  single  handed.  Their  widowed  mother 
also  works,  or  their  sister  or  an  aunt  or  a  cousin. 

Gretchen  K.  was  born  in  America,  of  German  parents.  She 
is  eighteen  years  of  age,  has  had  nine  years'  schooling  and  has 
worked  two  years  as  a  wrapper  in  a  candy  store.  There  are 
seven  in  the  family,  —  the  mother,  two  working  daughters  and 
four  little  children.  The  mother  makes  between  S3  and  S4  a 
week  at  cleaning,  besides  taking  care  of  the  family;  the  sister 
works  irregularly  in  a  rubber  shop.  Last  year  Gretchen's  wage 
of  $4.53  a  week  was  the  main  reliance  of  the  family. 

Theresa  0.,  Italian,  sixteen  years  of  age,  is  the  only  wage 
earner  in  her  family.    Last  year,  working  all  but  the  fifteen 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  81 

days  she  was  "laid  off,"  she  averaged  $4.80  a  week.  She,  her 
mother  and  her  Httle  brother  live  on  this.  They  pay  $6  a 
month  for  two  small,  unpleasant  rooms.  Theresa  is  pale  and 
delicate  and  tired.  Because  she  always  wears  black  the  neigh- 
bors call  her  "the  little  black  girl." 

The  third  class  is  composed  of  the  women  who  are  practically 
without  a  home.  In  classifying  under  this  head  we  have  fol- 
lowed the  definition  of  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Commerce  and 
Labor.  We  have  found  it  most  perplexing  and  difficult,  as  they 
did,  to  decide  in  some  instances  whether  a  woman  could  be 
properly  said  to  be  living  at  home  or  not.  For  example,  a 
woman  supporting  her  mother,  who  was  entirely  dependent  on 
her,  was  called  without  a  home,  or  adrift.  If  the  wage  earner 
became  sick  or  lost  her  position,  she  would  have  no  one  to  fall 
back  on  even  temporarily.  Two  daughters  supporting  their 
mother,  who  kept  house  for  them,  were,  however,  considered 
as  living  at  home,  since  they  had  the  two  elements  of  a  home, 
—  the  possibility  of  economic  assistance  and  an  influence  for 
moral  stability.  Two  young  sisters  who  were  wage  earners  and 
who  roomed  together  were  counted  as  adrift,  as  in  this  case 
the  possibility  of  moral  bulwark  was  too  slight. 

The  proportion  of  candy  workers  who  were  adrift  was  only 
21,  or  2.6  per  cent.,  of  the  women  investigated.  One-third  of 
these,  or  7  women,  were  earning  less  than  S5  a  week.  Three 
of  the  7  were  under  eighteen  years  of  age,  1  was  between  eight- 
een and  twenty,  1  between  twenty-one  and  twenty-four  and 
2  over  twenty-five.  The  second  third  of  these  women  earned 
from  $6  to  $7.49  a  week,  and  only  2  of  them  were  under 
twenty-one  years  of  age.  In  the  remaining  third  the  women 
earned  from  $7.50  to  $10,  and  were  all  over  twenty-one  years. 

Lizzie  C,  born  in  America  of  Irish  parents,  is  seventeen 
years  of  age,  has  had  nine  years'  schooling  and  has  worked 
two  years  as  general  girl  in  a  candy  factory.  She  was  absent 
from  work  last  year  not  quite  three  weeks  on  account  of  illness, 
slack  work,  vacation  and  excessive  heat.  Her  wage  averaged 
$5.43.  On  that  $5.43  Lizzie  is  obliged  to  live.  Since  Lizzie  is 
an  orphan  and  has  no  father  to  make  up  the  deficit,  it  comes 
out  of  an  aunt,  who  gives  the  girl  her  board  for  $3,  —  an  amount 
that  the  aunt  says  is  less  than  the  actual  expense. 


82 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


I 


f^ 


^ 


1 


Si 

•I 


c^ 


'^ 

e  ^ 


Kj  •  g* 


I 

S  1^ 


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I 


Average 
Number 

of 
Persons 
in  Each 
Family. 

0>i-l-<t<C0>0C0»CO 

^ 

Tj4«Ot^00t^C»O5O 

<£> 

Total 
Number 
of 
Fami- 
lies. 

c»C5C-ieooosc«c^ 

00         CO         JO         CD         ^ 

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1              1           J^J          50            1              1              1              1 

t' 

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t-        00        JO        «0        i-H        -*        rH          1 

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JO       05          1           1           1           1           1           1 

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(M*     cc      -*      uf     to'     t>r     oo"     ca 

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I 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


83 


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11 

84  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

The  above  tables  are  buttresses  to  the  argument  that  the 
workers  Hving  at  home  need  every  cent  of  their  wages.  There 
was  not  time  to  get  the  budgets  of  the  famihes,  but  it  is  clear 
enough  that  the  probably  unskilled  laboring  man  of  these  fam- 
ilies, with  a  daughter  earning  $5.40  to  help  him,  has  his  hands 
full  to  support  a  family  of  6,  7,  8,  9  and  10  persons.  It  is 
irony  to  talk  to  him  of  the  average  family  of  5,  —  the  classic 
number.  One  hundred  and  eighty-nine  of  the  candy  workers' 
families  were  supported  by  a  man  and  woman  wage  earner. 
Sometimes  the  man  was  a  son  or  brother,  sometimes  the  woman 
was  the  wife,  a  sister,' niece  or  some  close  relative.  The  wages 
of  these  two  workers  in  69  of  the  189  famihes  had  to  stretch 
over  from  6  to  1 1  persons.  The  adult  daughter  Hving  at  home 
needs  the  same  wage  as  her  sister  who  is  adrift.  She  ought  not 
to  have  to  live  on  her  father,  who  for  so  many  years  has  sup- 
ported her  or  supplemented  her  earnings.  It  is  reasonable  for 
her  to  pay  in  full  measure  for  the  cost  of  her  board  and  lodging, 
including  some  of  the  mother's  expenses.  It  is  only  the  mother's 
labor  that  enables  the  cost  of  the  household  to  be  brought  so 
low.  She  cannot  lean  on  her  overburdened  father  for  clothing, 
car  fares,  recreation,  church,  doctors  and  medicine,  dental  care 
and  insurance. 

In  the  broken  families  the  earnings  of  the  women  had  to  be 
split  again  and  again  among  its  members.  For  them  charity 
is  often  a  necessity  and  always  will  be,  but  some  of  the  less 
burdened  women  could  get  along  if  the  rate  of  wages  were 
determined  by  the  cost  of  maintaining  a  single  woman  in  health. 
By  economic  law  rent  and  the  price  of  commodities  are  deter- 
mined by  the  value  of  the  highest  priced  parts  that  are  used.^ 
Surely  if  the  economic  laws  of  supply  and  demand  and  of  profit 
worked  the  same  way  with  labor,  the  women  entirely  dependent 
on  their  own  earnings,  the  women  who  had  no  male  earners  to 
help  them  in  the  care  of  their  broken  families,  and  the  women 
at  home  and  in  large  families  with  few  wage  earners,  make  a 
suflScient  part  of  all  the  women  workers  to  set  the  price  of  wages 
at  the  cost  of  living  that  maintains  health.  But  with  labor 
exactly  the  opposite  is  true.  Here  the  price  of  the  whole  is 
fixed  by  that  part  which  is  produced  the  cheapest,  i.e.,  which 

>  See  Ricardo's  "Law  of  Rent,"  and  Walker's  "Law  of  Profit." 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  85 

is  subsidized,  or  which  exists  at  the  lowest  level.  The  woman 
supported  by  her  father  or  husband,  or  who  herds  in  the  cheap- 
est quarters  and  lives  on  bread  and  tea,  sets  the  price  offered 
to  the  woman  who  must  be  self-sustaining  and  who  must  live 
at  a  decent  standard  if  she  would  preserve  her  efficiency  and 
health.  Were  labor  really  a  commodity  which  could  be  with- 
held from  the  market  at  will,  it  would  be  the  more  expensively 
maintained  labor  that  would  set  the  price,  and  the  more  cheaply 
or  more  advantageously  maintained  labor  would  enjoy  a  margin 
similar  to  the  margin  now  enjoyed  as  profit  and  rent.  As  it  is, 
instead  of  a  lower  price  for  labor  decreasing  the  supply  it  actually 
increases  it.  Men  who  cannot  earn  a  living  wage  are  forced  to 
send  their  wives  and  children  into  the  labor  market. 

Charitable  Assistance.^ 

No  wage  earner  was  asked  whether  she  or  her  family  had  ever 
received  charitable  assistance.  It  was  believed  that  the  answer 
might  not  be  reliable,  and  that  the  question  would  arouse  some 
resentment  among  the  workers,  whereas  in  every  other  respect 
the  schedule  asked  so  few  and  such  non-intimate  questions  that 
reliable  answers  could  be  counted  upon  in  the  great  proportion 
of  cases. 

However,  one  of  the  most  interesting  questions  connected 
with  low  wages  is  the  one  as  to  who  makes  up  the  deficit.  The 
workers  are  existing,  and  they  could  not  exist  without  help 
from  relations,  friends,  charity  or  vice,  unless  they  live  at  so 
low  a  standard  as  to  mean  deterioration  of  the  race. 

In  Boston  there  is  a  confidential  exchange  in  which  87  chari- 
table societies  register  the  names  and  addresses  of  the  famtlies 
whom  they  are  assisting.  The  exchange  reported  that  of  the 
870  candy  workers  who  lived  in  Boston,  192,  or  22.1  per  cent., 
were  registered  as  having  been  at  one  time  or  another  in  receipt 
of  some  kind  of  help,  either  as  a  member  of  a  family  or  as  an 
individual.  Without  question  a  considerable  number  more  were 
registered  although  not  identified.  The  spelling  of  the  Italian 
names  was  phonetic  by  both  the  charitable  agent  and  the  inves- 
tigator. As  an  illustration  (apart  from  this  investigation),  a 
family  named  Turando  were  called  Durante  for  five  years  by 

1  See  Appendix,  tables,  pp.  270-273. 


86 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


the  Americans  with  whom  they  associated,  without  the  real 
name  being  ascertained.  Hebrew  and  Irish  names  also  present 
difficulties  of  identification.  Parents  vary  in  using  one  of  two 
given  names.  Addresses  are  often  changed.  There  are,  more- 
over, various  societies  which  do  not  register  at  all  at  the  ex- 
change; and  no  account  is  fnade  of  private  individual  benevo- 
lence or  the  friendliness  of  the  poor.  The  following  table  shows 
the  families  which  received  organized  assistance :  — 


Families  of  Boston  Candy  Workers  who  received  Charitable  Assistance. 


Living  Condition. 

Average 

Weekly 

Earnings. 

Number 

re- 
porting. 

Receiving  Aid  op 

Any  Sort. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

At  home,  male  wage  earner  in  the  family, 

Less  than  $6, 
$6  and  over, 

412 
172 

87 
34 

21.1 
19.8 

Total 

584 

61 
41 

121 

28 
11 

20.7 

45.9 
26.8 

At  home,  no  male  wage  earner  in  the  family, 

Less  than  $6, 
$6  and  over, 

Total 

102 

6 
12 

39 

3 

2 

38.2 

50.0 
16.7 

Adrift 

Less  than  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

Total,     . 

18 

106 
60 

5 

23 

4 

27.8    11 

21.7    M 
6.7    ■ 

Not  reported, 

Less  than  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

Total 

166 

585 
285 

27 

141 
51 

16.3    ■ 

24.1    9 
17.9     ™ 

All 

Less  than  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

Total, 

870 

192 

22.1 

The  highest  percentage  of  those  who  received  aid  was  found 
among  the  families  crippled  by  the  absence  of  a  male  wage 
earner;  the  class  of  women  adrift  stood  second.  In  all  four 
classes  the  percentage  which  received  aid  was  higher  among 
those  who  earned  less  than  $6  a  week  than  among  those  who 
earned  more;  but  the  percentage  of  difference  was  small  for  th 
normal  families.  It  may  be  because  the  extra  dollar  or  two 
week  did  not  have  the  same  telling  effect  in  lifting  a  famil; 
above  the  charity  line  where  there  were  children  in  the  group 
as  there  usually  were  in  families  of  this  class,  as  it  did  in  the 
case  of  families  supported  solely  by  one  or  more  women,  and 
where  the  number  of  children  was  less,  or  at  least  not  increas- 
ing, or,  again,  where  the  unit  was  the  self-dependent  woman. 


lo 

i 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  87 

The  assistance  received  by  the  families  has  been  classified 
under  four  headings.^  Relief  signifies  food,  coal,  rent  and 
clothes,  —  that  is,  money  or  its  equivalent.  This  relief  may 
have  extended  over  a  long  period  or  it  may  have  been  spas- 
modic, according  to  some  extra  burden  of  sickness,  burial  or 
loss  of  employment.  Friendly  visiting  refers  to  the  rehabili- 
tating care  of  the  Associated  Charities,  which  finds  work,  the 
necessary  glass  eye  for  a  presentable  appearance,  the  helpful 
relative,  etc.,  and  gives  the  courage  and  counsel  so  essential  to 
building  up  the  disheartened  and  ignorant.  Care  of  children 
represents  the  work  of  the  children's  societies,  the  juvenile 
court  and  the  State  industrial  school.  Medical  aid  refers  to 
the  assistance  given  by  hospitals  and  dispensaries,  where  it  is 
registered  with  the  social-service  departments.  A  case  of 
simple  illness  is  not  turned  over  to  a  social-service  department, 
so  that  these  cases  imply  a  problem  for  the  family  or  individual 
in  addition  to  the  medical  need. 

All  the  families  who  were  registered  were  included  in  the 
percentages,  even  though  the  time  of  assistance  dated  some 
years  back.  It  is  true  that  when  the  children  grow  up  they 
often  lift  the  family  away  from  the  need  of  assistance.  Yet  on 
the  whole  most  families  who  have  been  below  the  charity  line 
are  apt  to  hover  in  its  vicinity  for  some  years.  This  table  does 
not  show,  as  only  a  detailed  study  could,  the  amount  by  which 
the  families  of  candy  workers  supplemented  their  earnings 
through  organized  charity,  but  it  certainly  indicates  a  very 
serious  situation.  In  Cambridge  and  Worcester  there  are  also 
confidential  exchanges,  and  the  results  were  practically  the 
same  as  in  Boston,  only  the  percentage  who  received  aid  was 
smaller,  being  16.1  per  cent.,  where  in  Boston  it  was  22.1  per 
cent.  The  62  cases  form  too  small  a  basis  for  deductions,  but 
they  are  interesting  in  bearing  out  the  Boston  figures. 

I  See  Appendu?,  t^ble,  p.  270. 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Families  of  Candy  Workers  outside  of  Boston  who  received  Charitable 

Assistance. 


Living  Condition. 

Average 

Weekly 

Earnings. 

Number 

re- 
porting. 

Receiving  Aid  of 
Any  Sort. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

At  home,  male  wage  earner  in  the  family,  . 

Less  than  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

26 
24 

4 
3 

15.4 
12.5 

Total 

50 

4 
5 

7 

1 
2 

14.0 

At  home,  no  male  wage  earner  in  the  family, 

Less  than  $6, 
$6  and  over,  . 

25.0 
40.0 

Total 

9 

1 
2 

3 

33.3 

Adrift 

Ijeaa  than  $6, 
$6  and  over, 

Total 

3 

31 
31 

5 
5 

_ 

All 

Less  than  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

16.1 
16.1 

Total 

62 

10 

16.1 

II. 

WAGES  OF  WOMEN  IN  THE  RETAIL  STORES. 

Section  1.    The  Retail  Store  Business. 

The  Bureau  of  Statistics  does  not  give  information  as  to  the 
number  of  retail  stores  in  Massachusetts  or  as  to  the  capital 
involved.  In  1905/  43,365  salesmen  were  employed  through- 
out the  State  and  15,430  saleswomen.  Judging  from  the  num- 
ber of  their  employees  the  Boston  stores  do  almost  one-third 
of  the  business  of  the  State.  The  sale  of  merchandise  in  the 
cities  is  becoming  concentrated  more  and  more  in  large,  highly 
organized  department  stores  run  by  corporations.  These  stores 
depend  for  their  profits  on  large,  quick  sales,  at  a  comparatively 
low  return.  One  5  and  10  cent  store  company,  however,  in 
an  advertisement  to  prospective  shareholders,  states  that: 
"Five-cent  articles  cost  $2.50  to  $5.50  per  gross,  and  10-cent 
articles  $5.50  to  $11  per  gross,  showing  a  profit  of  33  per  cent, 
to  188  per  cent,  on  the  cost." 

A  most  important  element  in  the  stores  is  the  selling  force. 
During  the  last  few  years  some  of  the  most  enterprising  man- 

1  Census  of  1905,  Vol.  II.,  p.  xii. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  86 

agers  have  begun  to  train  their  employees  in  the  art  of  selling 
by  courses  of  lectures  and  by  an  effort  to  strengthen  the  indi- 
vidual saleswoman  at  her  weakest  point.  There  are  not  enough 
of  the  ambitious,  efficient  saleswomen  of  marked  capability. 
Every  store  endeavors  to  retain  them.  The  main  part  of  the 
selling  must  be  done  by  women  of  average  ability,  intelligence 
and  alertness.  The  working  force  is  divided  into  four  groups: 
first,  the  young  girls  who  do  errands  around  the  store,  carry 
cash  or  checks,  make  change,  examine  tags  and  sales  slips, 
wrap  bundles,  care  for  the  stock  and  mark  the  merchandise; 
second,  the  saleswomen;  third,  the  buyers  and  assistant  buy- 
ers and  heads  of  stock;  and  fourth,  the  oflSce  employees.  The 
machinery  is  most  complex.  An  idea  of  the  amount  of  detail 
is  given  by  the  fact  that  17.6  per  cent  of  the  women  workers 
who  are  in  department  stores  are  cheap-grade  office  employees 
(their  median  wage  is  $6  to  $6.99  ^),  such  as  auditors,  etc. 

The  5  and  10  cent  stores  have  increased  rapidly  and  no  town 
of  any  size  is  without  one  or  more  of  them.  They  sell  a  very 
cheap  grade  of  goods,  using  young,  inexperienced  and  low- 
paid  saleswomen.  Many  people  hold  that  5  and  10  cent 
stores  are  demorahzing,  as  they  tempt  the  poor  and  unskilled 
shopper  to  purchase  more  than  she  can  afford  of  goods  too  cheap 
to  be  serviceable. 

There  is  practically  no  interstate  competition,  except  that 
of  the  big  mail-order  concerns  of  Chicago  and  New  York,  in 
the  country  districts. 

There  is  never  any  scarcity  of  applicants  for  positions  in  the 
stores.  A  constant  attraction  is  found  in  the  clean  work,  the 
higher  social  standing  of  the  worker,  in  her  own  eyes,  over  her 
sister  in  the  factory,  and  to  a  few  of  the  ambitious,  the  possi- 
bility of  winning  large  returns.  The  workers  get  accustomed 
to  store  life  and  crave  its  excitement.  The  worst  feature  of 
the  store  to  the  young  girl  is  the  false  standards  of  life  which 
it  gives  her.  She  sees  always  the  same  fragment  of  her  cus- 
tomer's life,  whereas  the  customer  does  and  thinks  of  many 
things  besides  that  which  she  buys  to  wear.  The  store  worker 
is  always  under  the  temptation  of  the  pretty  things  about  her 
which  she  desires  and  which  she  sees  others  possess.    The  con- 

1  "  Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners,"  Vol.  V.,  p.  45. 


90  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

trast  is  very  keen  between  the  affluence  of  others  and  her  own 
pathetic  struggle  on  $6  or  $7  a  week  for  the  necessities  of  Hfe. 
At  the  same  time,  vicious  suggestion  through  a  half  dozen 
sources  has  access  to  her.  Besought,  and  her  powers  of  resist- 
ance weakened,  as  they  are  for  all  working  women,  by  the 
nervous  strain  of  work,  the  fatiguing  hours  and  the  constant 
standing,  it  is  remarkable  that  more  saleswomen  do  not  turn 
to  vice.  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  many  do.  No  estimate 
whatever  can  be  made  of  the  extent  to  which  the  workers  are 
subsidized  because  of  illicit  relations  with  one  or  two  men. 
Only  a  few  of  the  women  had  the  appearance  of  prostitutes. 
Women  who  were  making  a  brave  fight  against  tremendous 
odds  were  many  times  more  often  in  evidence.  The  Chicago 
Vice  Commission  ^  names  the  department  stores  as  one  of  the 
chief  sources  which  supply  victims  of  the  social  vice,  in  con- 
junction with  dance  halls,  amusement  parks,  employment 
agencies,  excursion  steamers  and  immigrants. 

Part-time  Workers.  Specials ^  Emergency  and  "11  to  4  Help.'* 
More  and  more  there  is  a  tendency  to  use  part-time  workers 
in  the  stores,  both  in  Boston  and  in  other  places,  to  relieve  the 
strain  on  the  organization  at  busy  periods.  Large  numbers  of 
extra  hands  are  called  in  for  the  regular  Monday  or  Wednesday 
sales  or  for  Saturdays.  These  women  work  a  full  day.  Many 
of  the  stores  that  keep  open  in  the  evening  have  extra  evening 
help.  It  has  been  said  that  often  these  workers  have  worked 
elsewhere  in  the  daytime.  The  law  specifically  forbids  this, 
but  violations  would  be  difficult  to  detect.  Some  stores  have 
lists  of  workers  whom  they  can  call  in  for  a  few  days  in  case 
of  an  emergency.  There  are  other  workers  who  are  regularly 
employed  from  11  to  4. 

The  time^honored  and  plausible  argument  in  favor  of  part- 
time  workers  is  that  it  gives  to  the  married  woman,  the  stu- 
dent and  the  person  who  has  duties  that  occupy  a  portion  of 
her  day  an  opportunity  to  earn  a, little  supplementary  money. 
It  is  a  very  grave  question  whether  a  large  proportion  of  these 
workers  do  not  try  to  eke  out  their  existence  on  these  part-time 
wages.  The  worker  who  is  in  the  store  during  the  rush  period 
from  11  to  4  works  five  hours  instead  of  eight,  but  she  has  not 

1  "The  Social  Evil  in  Chicago,"  1911,  pp.  19&-213. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


91 


much  energy  left  for  another  occupation,  and  unless  she  is  the 
childless  wife  referred  to  in  the  time-honored  argument,  it  is 
a  poor  arrangement  for  her.  The  arrangement  for  the  store 
is  very  shrewd.  It  employs  all  its  workers  at  their  top  capacity 
and  keeps  the  pay  roll  down. 

It  was  impossible  to  include  the  part-time  workers  in  this 
investigation  further  than  to  indicate  their  numbers. 


Number  of  Specials  in  One  Large  Boston  Store. 


Weeks. 

Number 

of 
Specials. 

Weeks. 

Number 

of 
Specials. 

January:  — 

First, 

Second 

Third 

Fourth 

February: — 

First, 

Second 

Third 

Fourth 

March:  - 

First 

Second 

Third 

Fourth 

April:  — 

First 

Second, 

Third 

Fourth, 

Fifth 

May:- 

First 

Second 

Third,        .  '      . 

Fourth, 

June:  — 

First 

Second, 

Third 

Fourth, 

53 
49 
35 
41 

81 
49 
105 
82 

44 
83 
72 
64 

82 
112 
108 
85 
81 

78 
57 
75 
101 

88 
82 
70 
61 

July:  — 

First 

Second 

Third, 

Fourth 

Fifth 

August:  — 

First 

Second, 

Third, 

Fourth, 

September:  —                  * 

First, 

Second 

Third 

Fourth, 

October:  — 

First, 

Second, 

Third 

Fourth, 

Fifth 

November:  — 

First, 

Second 

Third 

Fourth, 

December:  — 

First 

Second 

Third 

Fourth,       .         . 

Fifth 

61 
41 
42 
47 
49 

86 
193 
108 

60 

38 
50 
79 
79 

77 
94 

105 
88 

128 

147 
113 
165 
134 

110 
78 
48 
32 
7 

In  the  same  store  in  December  extra  hands  were  employed 
by  the  week:  first  week,  224;  second  week,  343;  third  week, 
523;  fourth  week,  563;  fifth  week,  94. 

In  one  store  the  specials,  outside  of  Christmas  help,  on  busy 
days  equalled  on  an  average  for  the  year  8.4  per  cent,  of  the 
regular  women  workers.  The  manager  of  another  store  believes 
that  the  increase  of  specials  is  most  serious  on  account  of  the 
possibility  mentioned  that  the  worker  may  try  to  live  on  a 
part-time  wage;  he  is  rearranging  his  system  to  cut  them  out. 


92 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


At  present  he  employs  about  30  in  a  month.     Of  these,  20  to 
25  come  regularly  on  busy  days.     At  sales,  six  times  a  year,  he 
employs  as  many  again. 
The  employment  of  specials  is  reported  in  other  cities. 


Number  of  Women  Employees. 


Regulars. 

Specials. 

Stores  in  Other  Cities. 

Usually. 

MAXIMUM. 

Springtime. 

Christmas. 

No.  1, 

51 

10-17 

24 

46 

No.  2, 

84 

19-21 

Not  reported 

125 

No.  3. 

45 

30-48 

58 

187 

No.  4. 

100 

22-40 

Not  reported 

100 

No.  5. 

22 

21-29 

35 

44 

No.  6. 

26 

8 

15 

Not  reported 

No.  7, 

68 

51 

68 

Not  reported 

Hours  of  Work. 
Work  in  the  stores  cannot  by  law  exceed  fifty-eight  hours  a 
week.  In  Boston  in  the  shopping  district  the  stores  are  gen- 
erally open  from  8.30  a.m.  to  5.30  p.m.  This  does  not  mean, 
however,  an  eight-hour  day.  The  workers  must  be  in  their 
places  when  the  gong  sounds  for  the  store  to  open.  There  are 
the  usual  difficulties  where  every  one  is  trying  at  the  same 
time  to  ring  in,  to  use  the  elevator,  to  get  to  the  dressing  room, 
and  again  to  her  floor,  so  that  the  prudent  arrange  to  reach  the 
store  ten  minutes  early.  The  noon  hour  is  not  always  sixty 
minutes  long;  sometimes  it  is  forty  minutes.  The  noon  period 
is  less  on  sales  days.  Examiners  often  have  a  shorter  noon 
hour.  In  some  of  the  stores  much  of  the  work  in  taking  care 
of  the  stock  and  in  the  examining  and  packing  rooms  is  done 
after  the  doors  close.  One  of  the  stores,  where  a  large  amount 
of  after-hour  work  is  done,  pays  the  workers  35  cents  for  supper 
money  when  they  stay  after  7  o'clock.  It  was  said  that  time 
was  given  in  the  morning  to  compensate,  but  the  morning 
arrangement  was  vague  in  the  worker's  mind.  It  is  a  question 
whether  the  law  was  not  violated  in  this  instance.  Some  of 
the  employees  in  this  store  work  regularly  after  hours  through- 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


93 


out  the  year,  and  almost  all  of  them  work  after  hours  for  several 
weeks  before  Christmas.  In  tlie  packing  room  of  another  store 
the  young  workers  stay  until  9  or  10  o'clock  about  every  third 
night,  and  receive  50  cents  supper  money. 

There  is  undoubtedly  more  after-hour  work  than  the  public 
is  aware  of.  Owen  R.  Lovejoy,  general  secretary  of  the 
National  Child  I.abor  Committee,  at  the  meeting  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts committee  this  fall  said,  according  to  the  report  in 
the  'Boston  Transcript:"  "Boston  is  the  worst  city  for  the 
employment  of  young  girls  at  night.  Girls  are  turned  out  of 
your  mercantile  establishments  at  8,  9  and  10  o'clock  at  night, 
to  find  their  way  home  alone  and  unprotected.  It  is  an  abuse 
that  ought  to  be  corrected  at  once."  One  store  arranges  to 
have  an  employee  at  each  counter  a  half  hour  early,  to  get 
things  in  readiness.  These  employees  go  home  a  half  hour 
earlier  at  night.  The  employees  like  this  arrangement.  The 
average  hours  of  the  workers  vary  from  forty-nine  to  fifty- 
four  and  one-eighth  hours,  exclusive  of  those  who  stay  after 
closing  time,  and  who  it  seems  possible  were  working  longer 
than  the  law  allows.  A  large  number  of  the  employees  in  the 
Christmas  season  work  up  to  the  legal  limit  of  fifty-eight  hours. 

From  about  June  15  to  September  15  the  stores  close  at 
5  o'clock  every  day  but  Saturday,  when  they  close  at  1.  Some 
of  the  stores  shorten  the  noon  hour  during  this  period  to  thirty 
minutes.  In  the  summer  the  hours  average  from  forty-four 
and  one-half  to  forty-nine  and  three-quarters.  The  average 
for  the  year  for  the  Boston  stores  investigated  was  from  forty- 
seven  and  two-thirds  to  fifty-three  and  one-third. 

In  the  cities  investigated  outside  of  Boston  the  hours  were 
longer. 

Hours  in  Retail  Stores  investigated  oviside  of  Boston. 


Winter. 


Summer. 


Average  for 
the  Year. 


Brockton, 
Cambridge, 
Fall  River, 
Lowell,    . 
Springfield, 
Worcester, 


55 

57H  to  58H 
56  to  58 
55  to  58J^ 
53  to  55>^ 
55  to  55^ 


50^6 

53H  to  54J^ 
51,lito53Ji 
50^6  to  54 
47^  to  501^ 
50H  to  51 


54^fe 

56%  to  57% 
55%  to  57H 
54%  to  57% 
511V42  to  53^ 
54%  to  54»/io 


94  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

The  stores  open  at  8  o'clock  in  many  places  and  close  at  6. 
A  noon  period  is  an  hour  and  a  quarter  long.  But  the  great 
hardship  is  the  evening  work.  Several  women  said  that  they 
would  rather  see  evening  work  decreased  than  wages  raised. 
On  Sunday  mornings  they  are  so  tired  that  they  can  scarcely 
get  up  to  go  to  church.  Many  girls,  even  one  so  far  away  as 
Lynn,  said  that  they  preferred  to  work  in  Boston  from  8  to 
6,  taking  the  long  trips  in  crowded  cars,  rather  than  to  work 
evening  hours  in  stores  at  home.  The  stores  seen  in  Brockton, 
Fall  River  and  Lowell  kept  open  two  evenings  a  week;  those 
in  Cambridge,  three,  and  those  in  Springfield  and  Worcester, 
one  evening. 

The  Board  of  Trade  in  Springfield,  by  common  consent, 
regulates  the  schedule  of  hours  more  or  less  and  the  holidays 
which  shall  be  observed.  Many  storekeepers  prefer  shorter 
hours;  they  believe  that  they  get  practically  as  much  trade 
condensed  into  the  shorter  period,  provided  the  other  stores 
close  as  well.  This  sensible  and  humane  arrangement,  which 
is  possible  wherever  the  merchants  are  of  the  right  caliber,  is 
much  to  be  commended. 


Welfare  Work. 

In  many  of  the  stores  efforts  are  made  to  increase  the 
comfort  and  well-being  of  the  employees.  The  public  is  in 
daily  contact  with  the  workers  as  it  is  w^ith  no  other  large 
body  of  self-supporting  women.  The  pressure  of  its  demands 
has  aroused  the  heart  and  conscience  of  some  employers  and 
the  business  instinct  of  others,  who  dare  not  offend  their  cus- 
tomers. There  have  been  various  isolated  and  sometimes 
showy  results.  The  brains  of  the  merchants  have  not  yet  worked 
on  the  question  to  any  great  extent.  A  few  leaders,  however, 
have  evolved  the  sound  basic  principle  that  welfare  work  should 
always  show  a  profit  to  the  firm.  No  other  sort  of  welfare 
work  is  defensible.  The  force  does  not  wish  to  have  its  wel- 
fare promoted  out  of  money  that  might  otherwise  come  to  it 
in^wages. 

It  pays  to  have  an  alert,  healthy,  happy,  loyal  body  of  em- 
ployees. No  man  can  appreciate  this  as  a  woman  can.  Women 
are  the  shoppers  and  men  the  managers.  It  pays  to  have  fresh 
air,  light  and  space  in  a  store  on  account  of  the  employees. 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.       '  95 

Employees'  seats,  if  they  are  used,  have  a  money  value  to  the 
firm.  One  superintendent  in  Boston  says  to  his  sales  people, 
"  Don't  get  up  when  you  see  me  coming,  get  up  when  you  see 
a  customer."  Another,  noticed  by  an  investigator,  as  he  passed 
through  the  store  snapped  his  fingers  at  sitting  girls,  although  ' 
there  was  no  customer  to  be  waited  upon. 

The  firm  that  does  only  such  welfare  work  as  pays,  and  is 
at  the  same  time  alive  to  the  value  of  increasing  the  efficiency 
of  its  force,  will  create  a  wonderful  atmosphere  in  the  store. 
The  management  will  no  longer  be  disheartened  at  the  lack  of 
appreciation  by  its  employees  of  some  intended  kindness.  In 
the  stores  visited  the  tone  of  the  working  force  and  its  attitude 
toward  the  concern  varied  a  very  great  deal. 

Industrial  Disputes. 

For  about  fifteen  years  there  has  been  a  branch  of  the  Retail 
Clerks  Protective  Association  in  Boston.  One  of  its  officers 
states  that  it  now  has  200  members,  men  and  women.  He 
believes  that  it  is  practically  impossible  to  organize  any  pro- 
portion of  the  store  employees. 

There  are  apparently  occasional  strikes  by  departments.  In 
October,  when  the  investigation  was  made,  200  boys  went  out 
in  one  store  and  were  replaced  the  next  morning.  The  drapery 
workers  of  one  firm  and  the  shippers  of  another  also  struck.  So 
far  as  was  noticed  the  press  did  not  report  these  disturbances. 
In  all  three  cases  the  strikers  were  men.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  the  women  feel  above  organizing.  They  compare  their 
position,  with  its  genteel  work  and  paid  vacation,  with  that 
of  clerks  and  professional  persons. 

As  one  of  the  chief  grievances  it  was  stated  that  no  sales 
clerk  would  be  employed  in  a  store  while  he  still  held  a  posi- 
tion in  another,  and  that  this  restricted  his  bargaining  power. 

In  Brockton  there  is  a  strong  Retail  Clerks'  Union,  which 
has  a  minimum  wage  of  $6  in  all  department  and  dry  goods 
stores.  It  cannot  enforce,  however,  a  minimum  wage  in  the 
three  large  5  and  10  cent  stores.  The  owner  of  one  of  the 
leading  department  stores  stated  that  it  was  difficult  to  com- 
pete with  the  latter  on  account  of  their  cheap  labor.  The 
union  has  noted  a  tendency  to  offset  this  by  the  hiring  of 
minors  at  lower  rates. 


06 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Section  2.    The  Worker  in  the  Retail  Store. 

Sex. 

Salesmen  and  Saleswomen  by  Sex. 


All  Ages. 

Under  16 
Years. 

16  Years 
AND  Over. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Male 

Female 

43,365 
15,430 

73.8 
26.2 

671 
290 

69.8 
30.2 

42,694 
15,140 

73.8 
26.2 

Total 

58,795 

100.0 

961 

100.0 

57,834 

100.0 

By  the  1905  census  of  occupations  26.2  per  cent,  of  the  sales- 
clerks  are  women.  Under  the  federal  classification  these  num- 
bers do  not  refer  to  buyers,  bookkeepers,  porters,  bundle-girls, 
markers,  etc.,  but  simply  to  the  selling  force.  The  other  work- 
ers cannot  be  separated  from  the  general  numbers  in  each  class 
with  which  they  are  grouped. 

The  men  preponderate  because  stationary  salesmen  in  all 
lines  of  goods  are  included.  In  the  retail  stores  women  are 
greatly  in  excess.  Of  late  years  they  have  been  displacing  the 
men.  In  one  large  retail  store  in  Boston,  which  probably 
employs  as  many  salesmen  proportionately  as  any  other  store, 
the  men  are  38  per  cent,  of  the  selling  force.  In  some  stores 
hardly  a  man  is  to  be  seen  behind  the  counter. 


Ages. 


Ages  of  All  Women 

investigated  in  Retail  Stores. 

Age. 

All  Places. 

Boston. 

All  Places, 

Other 

THAN  Boston. 

Brockton,  i 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent, 

Under  16,    . 

116 

4.9 

109 

6.0 

7 

1.2 

1 

i 

16  and  17,   . 

351 

14  7 

282 

15.6 

69 

1.2 

8 

32 

18  to  20,      . 

558 

23.5 

442 

24.4 

116 

20.5 

10 

40 

21  to  24,      . 

577 

24.3 

417 

23.0 

160 

28.3 

4 

IS 

25  and  over, 

775 

32.6 

561 

31.0 

214 

37.8 

2 

8 

Total,  . 

2,377 

100.0 

1.811 

100.0 

566 

100.0 

25 

100 

Only  5  and  10  cent  store. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


97 


The  women  employees  are  largely  adults;  32.6  per  cent,  are 
twenty-five  years  old  or  more,  and  47.8  per  cent,  are  between 
eighteen  and  twenty-four  years  old.  The  minors  form  19.6 
per  cent.  SelUng  demands  enough  skill  and  reliability  so  that 
young  girls  have  not  yet  superseded  the  older  women,  except 
in  some  establishments  carrying  cheap  goods  and  patronized 
by  unrequiring  customers  or  in  the  5  and  10  cent  stores.  Their 
employment  in  these  houses  tends,  however,  to  lower  the  whole 
wage  scale.  In  the  large  and  highly  organized  stores  some 
positions  outside  of  the  selling  force  require  only  minors.  In 
Boston  21.6  per  cent,  were  minors;  in  the  other  places  only  2.4 
per  cent.  In  one  of  the  other  cities,  Brockton,  where  only 
5-and-lO-cent-store  employees  were  seen,  36  per  cent,  were 
minors. 

Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Store  Employees  who  were  Native  and  Foreign 

Born. 


By  this  Ina'estigation. 

By  THE  1905  Census  of 

OcCtrPATIONS.  1 

FIRST 
GENERATION. 

SECOND 
GENERATION. 

FIRST 
GENERATION. 

SECOND 
GENERATION. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Native  born, 
Foreign  born, 

2,207 
454 

83.0 
17.0 

880 
1,781 

33.0 
66.9 

12,331 
3,099 

80.0 
20.0 

5,633 
9,797 

36.4 
63.4 

Total,  . 

2,661 

100.0 

2,661 

99.9 

15,430 

100.0 

15,430 

99.8 

1  Massachusetts  Census,  1905,  Vol.  II.,  p.  46. 

Only  17  per  cent,  of  the  store  employees  were  foreign  born; 
50  per  cent,  w^ere  native  born  with  foreign  parents;  and  33 
per  cent,  were  native  born  of  American  parents.  Roughly 
speaking,  there  are  twice  as  many  of  the  latter  class  in  the 
stores  as  in  the  candy  factories,  and  only  one-half  as  many 
foreigners.  The  great  majority  of  the  store  workers  were 
brought  up  to  an  American  standard  of  living. 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Nationality  of  Parents  of  American-horn  Women  Workers  investigated 
in  Retail  Stores,  exclusive  of  those  with  American  Parents. 


Number  of 

Women  of 

Per  Cent,  of  Women  of 

Parentage 

- 

Parentage  — 

;:^ 

a 

•< 

f^ 

<j< 

^ 

Age. 

a 

< 

n 

<; 

« 

.2 

^ 

^ 

^ 

.2 

> 

Xi 

2 

1 

' 

-^ 

§• 

"m 

o 

1 

Xi 

g 

^ 

'■^ 

O 

3 

c3 

s 

a 

-i 

o 

•2 

C3 

jj 

^ 

Q 

u 

w 

H 

< 

H 

^ 

w 

W 

< 

^ 

Under  18. 

129 

42 

51 

28 

57 

307 

42.0 

13.7 

16.6 

9.1 

18.6 

100 

18  to  20 

126 

45 

59 

19 

54 

303 

41.6 

14.8 

19.5 

6.3 

17.8 

100 

21  and  over,     . 

412 

98 

28 

61 

101 

700 

58.9 

14.0 

4.0 

8.7 

14.4 

100 

Not  reported, 

- 

1 

1 

- 

2 

- 

- 

50.0 

50.0 

- 

100 

Total. 

667 

185 

139 

109 

212 

1,312 

50.8 

14.1 

10.6 

8.3 

16.2 

100 

Nativity  of  Foreign-horn 

Women  Workers 

investigated 

in  Retail  Stores. 

Number  of  Women. 

Per  Cent,  of  Women. 

1 

^ 

^ 

^ 

Age. 

ta 

'd 

2 

0 

< 

i 

.2 

^ 

M 

S 

.2 

> 

Xi 

^ 

4 

'S 
d 

.s 

^ 

o 

3 

:d 

T3 
C3 

0 

.S 

^, 

O 

-i 

6 

w 

1^ 

< 

^ 

s 

6 

w 

^ 

^ 

Under  18.         .        .         . 

3 

14 

56 

4 

9 

86 

3.5 

16.3 

65.1 

4.7 

10.5 

100 

18  to  20 

4 

27       48 

8 

15 

102 

3.9 

26.5 

47.0 

7.8 

14.7 

100 

21  and  over,    . 

45 

121 

40 

21 

37 

264 

17.0 

45.8 

15.1 

8.0 

14.0 

100 

Total, 

52 

162 

-144 

33 

61 

452 

11.5 

35.8 

31.9 

7.3 

13.5 

100 

By  this  investigation  it  is  shown  that  the  American  girls  of 
American  parents,  and  the  Irish-American  women  of  the  first 
generation,  fill  the  stores.  There  were  33  per  cent,  of  the 
former  and  25  per  cent,  of  the  latter. 

Canadian- Americans  formed  14.1  per  cent,  of  the  native 
born  with  foreign  parents,  and  Canadians  were  35.8  per  cent, 
of  the  foreign  born.  For  both  classes  the  percentage  of  all 
store  workers  was  12.9.  There  w^ere  only  one-quarter  as  many 
French-Canadians  as  other  Canadians.  '  ■! 

The  Hebrews,  native  born  of  the  first  generation  and  foreign 
born,  formed  10.6  per  cent,  and  31.9  per  cent.     Both  classes 


1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


99 


together  were  10.6  per  cent,  of  the  whole.  Practically  all  of 
the  Hebrews  are  Russian. 

The  English- Americans  formed  8.3  per  cent.,  and  the  EngHsh 
born  7.3  per  cent.,  making  5.2  per  cent,  of  the  whole. 

The  remaining  10.2  per  cent,  of  all  the  workers  were  divided 
among  20  nationalities. 

Conjugal  Condition, 

Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Saleswomen  who  are  Married  WomeUf  and 
Number  who  have  Children.^ 


Native. 

Foreign. 

Total. 

XT 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Married  women 

1,428 

11.5 

617 

19.9 

2.045 

13.2 

Number  of  women  having  no  children. 

688 

5.4 

199 

6.4 

867 

5.6 

Number  of  women  having  children. 

760 

6.1 

418 

13.5 

1,178 

7.8 

Average  number  of  children. 

2 

- 

3 

- 

2 

- 

1  Census,  1905,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  46,  186.    Thesa  par  cents  are  based  on  all  the  women  in  the 
trade;  of  these  2,045  women,  687,  or  33.5  per  cent.,  are  widowed  or  divorced. 

Number  of  Married  Women  in  the  Retail  Stores  among  those  who  re- 
ported on  their  Conjugal  State. 


Living  at 

Home,  a 

Male  Wage 

Earner  in 
THE  Family. 

Living  at 
Home,  no 

Male  Wage 
Earner  in 

the  Family.    ■ 

Adrift. 

Total. 

. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Wives, 
Widows,      . 

84 

4.7 

-1 

- 

27 
44 

11.1 
18.0 

_i 

- 

All  married  women, 

84 

4.7 

16 

4.2 

71 

29.1 

170 

7.2 

1  Not  reported. 


The  proportion  of  married  w'omen  in  the  second  table  is 
smaller,  partly  so,  at  least,  because  the  unmarried  cash  and 
bundle  girls,  etc.,  who  were  excluded  from  the  census  count 
are  included  there. 

The  1905  census  shows  what  a  considerable  per  cent.  (13.2) 
of  the  workers  in  stores  are  married  women.  Over  one-half  of 
them  have  children.     The  presumption  is  in  favor  of  the  need  at 


100  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

home  of  at  least  this  half.  In  any  case  these  married  women 
are  bearing  a  double  burden.  In  the  investigation  it  was 
found  that  29.1  per  cent,  of  the  women  adrift  were  married, 
a  much  larger  proportion  than  was  shown  among  the  women 
wage  earners  who  Hved  in  a  home  where  there  was  a  male 
wage  earner.  All  widows  or  deserted  wives,  who  were  trying 
to  support  themselves  and  their  children  who  were  too  young 
to  work,  were  counted  as  adrift. 

Special  note  was  made  of  the  married  women  in  three  of  the 
large  Boston  stores.  These  included  42  wives  and  57  widows. 
Of  the  wives,  35  lived  with  their  husbands  or  some  male  wage 
earner.  They  averaged  S6.01  a  week  and  thirty-two  years  in 
age.  Twenty  of  them  had  no  third  person  in  the  family,  and 
were  typical  of  the  childless  wife  so  often  cited.  Another  10 
helped  the  man  to  support  anyw^here  from  one  to  five  other 
persons.  The  other  5  joined  with  several  workers  in  supporting 
families  of  varying  sizes.  Seven  of  the  42  wives  had  no  male 
wage  earner  to  help  them;  4  of  these  7  supported  one  additional 
person,  1  two  additional  persons,  1  three  and  that  on  16.87  a 
week,  and  the  seventh  three  additional  persons  on  $6.52  a 
week,  with  the  help  of  another  woman. 

Of  the  57  widows,  23  lived  in  a  family  with  some  male  wage 
earner,  —  in  the  majority  of  instances  her  son;  with  his  help, 
and  an  average  wage  of  $6.58,  she  tried  to  support  anywhere 
from  four  to  eight  persons.  Seven  widows  had  the  help  of  an 
additional  woman  wage  earner  or  so.  Eleven  of  the  widows 
struggled  along  with  no  man  to  help  them  in  supporting  two 
or  three  or  even  four  others,  sometimes  with  a  little  help,  some- 
times without.  Of  the  23  widows  who  were  counted  as  adrift, 
9  had  others  dependent  on  them.  One  w^oman  of  sixty,  on 
$7.93  a  week,  supported  an  invalid  son  who  had  been  unable  to 
work  for  six  years.  She  kept  house  in  two  rooms  at  a  rent  of 
$2  a  week.  Another,  thirty-six  years  old,  was  the  stay  of  her 
mother  and  her  child  on  $5.61  a  week.  The  widows  who  w^ere 
attempting  the  impossible  all  kept  house  because  it  made  a 
lower  standard  of  living  possible.  The  14  widows  who  were 
alone  lived  mostly  in  boarding  houses  and  paid  from  $2  to  $3 
for  their  room,  and  $3  to  $3.50  for  their  meals.  One  womaiij 
of  forty-six,  who  earned  only  $4.01  on  the  average,  paid 


M 


II 


1912.]  HOUSE  —  No.  1697;    ■  -  *  "  - '  '  ^  '    '  loi 

a  month  for  rent  and  spent  $1.50  a  week  for  meals.     She  walked 
to  work. 

Of  the  married  women  in  these  stores  only  one-fifth,  appar- 
ently, could  have  been  working  for  the  pleasure  of  something 
to  do  and  the  additional  money.  The  rest  had  more  or  less 
of  a  burden  upon  them.  Some  of  them  worked  to  support 
themselves  and  others;  some,  probably,  to  eke  out  the  hus- 
band's meager  wages  at  the  expense  of  the  home  and  the  chil- 
dren. 

Section  3.    Earnings  in  Retail  Stores. 
Carnmission  and  Flat-rate  Systems. 

There  are  four  ways  of  paying  saleswomen  in  the  stores 
investigated:  by  flat  rate,  by  flat  rate  combined  with  a  bonus, 
with  a  profit-sharing  scheme  and  with  a  commission.  No 
women  were  heard  of  who  worked  on  commission  without  any 
regular  wage. 

The  one  profit-sharing  store  gives  twice  a  year  a  dividend  on 
the  net  proceeds  in  proportion  to  the  wages.  Last  January  it 
was  3  per  cent.  One  store  paid  to  all  saleswomen  for  the  year 
round  a  regular  salary  plus  a  2  per  cent,  commission  on  all 
sales  over  a  certain  fixed  sum,  varying  with  the  different  kinds 
of  goods  sold.  x4nother  store  is  changing  to  a  basis  of  a  1  per 
cent,  commission  on  all  sales  in  addition  to  a  fixed  wage.  It 
starts  new  workers  on  this  basis  unless  they  strongly  prefer  the 
former  method  and  are  too  promising  to  be  refused  employ- 
ment. '  When  old  employees  ask  to  be  transferred  to  the  com- 
mission system  it  is  usually  done.  A  raise  of  pay  is  often  made 
by  adding  the  commission.  The  commission  is  given  on  every 
dollar's  worth  of  goods  sold,  and  not  only  on  what  is  sold 
above  a  certain  amount. 

Other  stores  had  commissions  in  the  suit  department  for  all 
the  year.  The  commissions  in  this  department  ran  as  high  as 
2J  per  cent.  One  store  gave  a  5  per  cent,  commission  on  the 
sale  of  remnants.  Some  gave  commissions  only  before  Christ- 
mas. One  gave  commissions  for  ten  days  in  certain  depart- 
ments carrying  Christmas  goods. 

One  store  gave  a  §  per  cent,  commission  on  all  sales  made  in 
the  twenty-one  days  before  Christmas.    Some  of  the  stores  in 


lt)S^*•^'^'^^*^   rMINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

cities  outside  of  Boston  gave  from  |  to  2  per  cent,  on  each 
employee's  sales  during  the  three  weeks  before  Christmas. 
This  commission  usually  averages  anywhere  from  $3  to  $10 
and  is  parallel  with  a  Christmas  bonus.  The  latter  ranges  from 
$1  to  $25.  One  management  gave  $5  to  each  employee  who 
had  worked  a  year,  and  an  extra  $5  for  each  additional  year 
up  to  $25.  One  gave  $1  for  the  employees  who  had  worked 
a  year  and  $1  for  each  additional  year.  Some  stores  gave  a 
proportionate  bonus  at  Christmas  to  the  "dead  help,"  the  name 
for  those  who  do  not  sell. 

Bonuses  are  given  in  various  instances,  —  on  each  bottle  of 
certain  drug  preparations,  and  on  the  sale  of  what  was  reported 
to  be  a  cheaper  grade  of  shoes,  at  the  rate  of  5  cents  a  pair. 
The  5  cents  was  paid  by  the  manufacturer.  In  one  store  if  an 
examiner  notices  that  a  sales  clerk  is  sending  out  a  mis- 
matched suit  or  pair  of  shoes  she  gets  25  cents  from  the  sales 
clerk's  pay.  Sometimes  a  bonus  is  paid  for  by  the  sale  of 
merchandise  that  has  proved  to  be  unattractive  to  the  public. 

The  bonus  is  of  little  consequence,  but  the  commission  sys- 
tem has  rather  far-reaching  possibilities.  Under  kind  and  scien- 
tific employers  it  is  not  undesirable,  but  under  a  grinding  man- 
agement it  is  open  to  the  grave  danger  of  over-speeding  and  of 
rate-cutting. 

A  saleswoman's  value  to  her  employer  is  calculated  by  divid- 
ing her  wage  by  the  amount  of  money  she  takes  in.  The  per 
cent,  obtained  is  called  "the  cost  of  selling."  If  it  is  low  the 
girl  is  valuable  to  the  firm,  if  high  she  is  an  expense.  On  cloaks 
in  the  height  of  the  season  the  cost  of  selling  is  very  low  because 
a  girl  takes  in  so  much  money;  on  tinware  the  cost  of  selling  is 
always  high. 

There  are  two  ways  of  lowering  this  per  cent.,  by  cutting  the 
wage  and  by  increasing  the  girl's  output.  The  old-fashioned 
and  usual  method  is  by  cutting  the  wage.  The  superintendent's 
aim  is  to  keep  down  expenses.  In  several  stores  the  girls  said 
that  a  request  for  higher  wages  was  likely  to  bring  about  dis- 
missal. The  impression  is  general  that  there  is  a  tendency 
to  cut  wages  in  the  big  stores.  There,  are  no  figures  of  five  or 
ten  years  ago  for  comparison.  Some  definite  evidence,  how- 
ever, was  obtained.     One  firm  brought  in  a  superintendent  a 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  103 

few  years  ago  who  had  a  reputation  for  his  abiUty  to  reduce  the 
pay  roll.  He  immediately  began  to  discharge  $8  girls  and  to 
hire  S6  girls  in  their  place.  In  one  store  a  large  and  profitable 
department  which  had  been  rented  out  to  a  contractor  was 
taken  over  by  the  firm  in  April,  and  all  but  one  of  the  girls 
left  because  the  store  manager  was  so  disagreeable.  New  girls 
were  employed  at  16.  In  the  fall  the  old  manager  came  back 
and  some  of  his  girls  returned  with  him.  The  $6  girls  were 
taken  back  at  the  old  salary,  but  a  $10  girl  was  reduced  to  $8 
and  an  $8  girl  to  $7.  In  another  store  a  young  woman  after 
having  been  employed  for  over  two  years,  and  having  reached 
the  salary  of  $7,  became  sick  and  left.  When  she  was  well 
enough  to  return  ten  months  later  she  was  told  that  she  could 
come  back  at  $6,  the  rate  at  which  new  hands  start  in. 

The  following  is  a  typical  case  in  point. 

Maud  P.  is  a  well-appearing,  intelligent  woman  of  thirty- 
nine  years  of  age.  She  has  been  working  for  ten  years,  six  of 
them  as  a  saleswoman  in  a  department  store,  where  she  re- 
ceived $6  per  week  when  she  started  in,  although  she  had  had 
four  years'  experience  in  another  store  of  the  same  charac- 
ter, where  she  had  risen  to  $7.  Three  weeks  ago  the  head 
woman,  who  took  measurements  in  her  department  (skirts), 
left  for  a  better  position,  where  her  wages  would  be  increased 
from  $15  to  $18  per  week.  Maud  was  given  her  position  and 
had  her  pay  raised  from  $6  to  $8  per  week,  —  a  gain  to  the 
firm  of  $7.  Out  of  her  $8  she  pays  60  cents  for  car  fares,  $1.50 
for  lunch  and  $3  for  board.  She  says  no  girl  nor  woman  can 
live  on  $6  a  week,  —  that  she  could  not  have  kept  herself  in 
necessities  had  her  father  and  mother  not  helped  to  clothe 
her.  The  father  is  seventy-eight  years  old  and  is  a  packer  in 
a  box  factory.  The  family  consists  of  a  father,  mother,  two 
daughters  and  son,  —  fite  in  all. 

Two  of  the  stores  investigated  have  undertaken  to  use  the 
second  method  of  increasing  the  saleswomen's  output.  Instead 
of  cutting  they  raise  wages.  They  can  then  choose  their  em- 
ployees and  demand  efficiency  from  them.  One  of  them  does 
this  by  raising  the  flat  wage  by  a  profit-sharing  system,  and 
by  developing  the  capacity  of  the  individual  saleswoman.  It 
believes  that  it  is  the  store's  business  to  sell  its  goods  by  their 


104  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

quality,  price  and  desirability,  and  by  advertising.  The  second 
store  pays  a  moderate  regular  wage  supplemented  by  a  well 
worked-out  system  of  commissions  through  which  it  endeavors 
to  equalize  the  opportunity  in  the  different  departments.  It 
also  watches  the  individual's  record.  The  methods  of  this 
firm  are  worthy  of  study  and  imitation.  Each  employee's 
record  is  kept  in  a  separate  envelope  in  which  are  filed  her 
appHcation  for  work,  her  references  and  any  special  notes.  On 
the  face  of  the  envelope  are  entered  her  sales  and  her  earnings 
week  by  week  for  a  year.  When  she  sells  less  than  the  given 
amount  that  must  be  sold  in  her  department  before  she  begins 
to  receive  a  commission,  it  is  entered  in  red  ink.  When  the 
danger  signals  are  repeated  the  trouble  is  diagnosed,  and  an 
effort  is  made  to  develop  the  efiiciency  of  that  worker  so  that 
she  may  be  brought  up  to  the  standard.  The  capability  of 
development  in  the  individual  worker  who  is  experienced  but 
untrained,  and  often  discouraged  and  lacking  interest  in  her 
business,  is  without  question  very  large.  A  third  store  also 
keeps  the  individual's  record  so  that  her  value  to  the  firm  can 
be  seen  at  a  glance.^ 

The  advantage  to  the  merchant  of  the  commission  systei 
over  the  flat  rate  is  that  it  makes  the  girls  sell  the  goods.  II 
places  the  responsibility  of  selling  on  the  girl,  and  each  gii 
becomes  a  sort  of  merchant  on  her  own  account.  Saleswomei 
sometimes  send  out  postals  to  their  customers,  at  their  owi 
expense,  to  announce  some  special  value. 

The  advantage  to  the  girl  is  that  she  gets  a  direct  monej 
retiu'n  proportional  to  her  exertion. 

The  disadvantages  to  the  girl  are  many.  It  is  a  speeding-up 
system  and  liable  to  the  abuses  found  in  piece-rate  factories. 
The  girls  have  only  the  kindness  of  the  employer  as  a  guard 
against  rate-cutting.  It  keeps  the  worker  under  a  continual 
strain.  She  usually  must  sell  a  designated  amount  of  goods  to 
compensate  her  for  her  regular  wage,  before  she  begins  to  get  a 
commission.  If  she  frequently  fails  to  do  this  she  is  censured. 
Girls  often  say  that  when  they  have  covered  the  designated 
value  they  are  "too  tired  to  hustle  for  themselves."  The  com- 
mission varies  with  the  value  of  what  a  girl  sells,  and  her  chance 
to  sell  depends  largely  on  the  department  in  which  she  is  placed. 

1  See  Appendix,  p.  306. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  105 

A  girl  on  small  wares,  infants'  clothes,  veils  or  ribbons  has  a 
large  number  of  sales  to  her  credit,  but  they  foot  up  to  a  small 
total.  Girls  in  the  kimono  department  of  one  store  say  they 
reach  a  commission  at  only  two  seasons  of  the  year.  On  the 
other  hand,  in  the  ready-made  clothing  departments  girl's  make 
very  high  commissions.  A  girl  placed  in  a  poor  selling  depart- 
ment may  have  little  chance  of  being  transferred,  because, 
knowing  the  stock,  she  is  of  value  to  the  firm  in  her  present 
position.  It  is  even  stated  that  unusually  efficient  girls  are 
sometimes  intentionally  kept  on  slow  selling  goods  to  push  the 
sales.  It  is  admitted  by  the  proponents  of  this  plan  that  it 
is  difiicult  to  work  out  an  equitable  basis  for  each  department. 
The  girls'  sales  depend  on  the  popularity  of  the  goods.  If  a 
buyer  makes  a  mistake  in  the  quality,  quantity  or  variety,  the 
saleswomen  suffer.  The  girls  say  that  the  "extras"  at  Christ- 
mas time  get  an  undue  share  of  the  Christmas  commission  as 
they  do  nothing  but  sell,  while  the  regular  girls,  who  know  the 
stock,  must  take  time  to  keep  it  in  order.  The  system  encour- 
ages unpleasant  personal  traits.  A  girl  will  often  "hog"  sales; 
spend  all  her  time  selling  while  the  others  take  care  of  the 
stock;  and  cases  have  been  known  where  girls  actually  hid 
especially  desirable  goods  to  sell  themselves. 

There  are  disadvantages  to  the  merchant.  At  a  rush  time 
a  girl  is  likely  to  ignore  a  customer  with  small  orders  in  favor 
of  one  giving  a  large  order,  instead  of  serving  each  in  turn. 
The  girl  dislikes  taking  the  time  to  serve  carefully  and  to  put 
the  stock  in  order.  This  is  most  noticeable  in  selling  food,  — 
all  buns,  for  instance,  should  be  handled  with  a  bit  of  paper  and 
the  counter  should  be  kept  immaculate. 

The  advantage  of  the  flat  rate  is  that  a  saleswoman  knows 
in  advance  her  exact  income,  and  her  pay  does  not  vary  accord- 
ing to  the  sale  of  the  goods  in  her  department,  which  is  affected 
by  the  season,  their  price  and  their  popularity. 

The  ideal  system  would  seem  to  be  a  compromise;  a  reason- 
able, regular  wage,  supplemented  by  a  small  commission  on  all 
goods  sold,  graduated  so  that  faithful  work  in  every  department 
would  be  rewarded.  A  store  must  carry  many  departments 
which  are  less  profitable  than  others  to  serve  its  customers,  but 
the  saleswomen  should  not  suffer  because  of  the  low  profits. 


106  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 


Payment  for  Overtime. 

Supper  money  is  given  to  the  workers  who  stay  after  7  o'clock. 
Thirty-five  cents  is  the  usual  amount,  but  at  least  one  store 
gives  50  cents.  Some  workers  in  certain  stores  earn  it  com- 
paratively often. 

Fines. 

The  system  of  fining  employees  is  not  gaining  ground.  The 
fines  are  an  irritation,  and  in  selling,  which  depends  so  much 
on  the  spirit  and  good  will  of  the  employees,  they  are  of  doubt- 
ful value  to  the  firm.  Two  large  Boston  stores  have  discarded 
fines  entirely.  Of  the  twenty  stores  investigated  outside  of 
Boston  none  had  any  fines,  except  that  two  stores  added  up 
the  time  that  an  employee  was  late  during  the  year  and  deducted 
it  from  her  paid  vacation.  One  of  these  stores  allowed  an 
aggregate  of  five  hours  of  tardiness.  Another  store  held  back 
that  day's  pay  for  one  week.  One  Boston  store  used  this 
method. 

The  chief  fines  in  the  other  Boston  stores  are  for  lateness  and 
short  change.  In  one  of  the  biggest  stores,  when  the  employees 
are  one  minute  late  in  the  morning  or  at  noon  they  are  fined 
25  cents.  This  is  quite  rigorously  enforced,  although  an  appeal 
can  be  made  to  the  superintendent.  In  another  store,  for 
those,  who  earn  $5  or  less  a  week,  the  fine  is  10  cents,  for  the 
others  25  cents.  Another  store  does  not  fine  for  a  few  minutes' 
tardiness,  but  for  more  than  that  it  docks  a  quarter  of  a  day's 
pay.  Another  store  that  takes  the  time  both  at  the  door  and 
at  the  counter,  sends  every  employee  who  is  late  to  the  super- 
intendent, who  gives  her  a  severe  "call  down,"  and  either  sends 
her  home  for  the  day  or  fines  her  10  cents.  One  girl  living 
in  Chelsea  allowed  an  hour  to  reach  the  store,  because  she 
crossed  three  drawbridges.  The  extra  ten  minutes  for  two 
years  covered  the  time  lost  and  she  was  not  once  late.  One 
morning,  several  weeks  ago,  an  open  draw  made  her  a  few  min- 
utes late  and  she  was  fined  over  her  protest.  Fines  are  inflicted 
when  a  number  of  girls  are  held  up  by  some  transportation 
accident  and  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  their  story.  Girls  in  this 
store  state  that  they  had  rather  go  home  and  lose  a  half  day 
than    face    the    superintendent.     This    method    of    punishing 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  107 

equally  avoidable  and  unavoidable  tardiness,  the  first  offense 
and  the  fourth,  and  punishing  either  by  a  fine  or  by  sending 
home,  according  to  the  superintendent's  mood,  and  always  by 
a  harsh  scolding,  is  bitterly  resented  by  the  girls.  Moreover, 
it  does  not  secure  promptness.  The  fines  for  this  store  averaged 
$40  to  $50  a  week. 

Fines  in  most  of  the  Boston  stores  are  imposed  for  short 
change  equal  to  the  amount  of  the  shortage.  Any  balance  over 
goes  to  the  store.  The  fine  is  usually  paid  by  the  cashier,  but 
if  she  can  prove  that  it  is  the  saleswoman's  fault,  the  deficit 
is  made  up  by  the  latter.  The  tube  cashiers  sit  in  the  office 
where  the  tubes  deposit.  The  machine  cashiers  use  cash  regis- 
ters at  the  counters.  The  tube  cashiers  must  be  older  and  more 
experienced  girls.  They  frequently  get  from  $6  to  $7  a  week. 
The  accounts  of  the  tube  cashiers  are  balanced  the  following 
morning  in  the  auditing  department.  If  there  is  a  shortage 
the  girl  is  notified.  She  is  allowed  to  go  over  the  account,  and 
every  effort  is  made  to  locate  the  mistake.  The  little  girl  on 
the  machine  usually  gets  from  $4  to  $5  a  week.  She  can  bal- 
ance her  cash  at  a  minute's  notice.  The  making  up  of  short 
change  is  a  great  hardship  to  her.  One  store  recognized  this 
by  not  fining  the  little  girls,  but  only  the  more  responsible, 
better-paid  tube  cashiers.  One  store  thought  that  when  ma- 
chines were  put  in  they  could  be  operated  entirely  by  $3.50 
girls,  but  the  constant  changing  of  cashiers  was  found  so  dis- 
astrous that  the  girls'  salaries  were  frequently  raised  to  $4, 
and  even'to  $4.50  and  $5,  to  keep  them.  This  is  the  only  class 
of  employees  to  which  there  is  any  noticeable  increase  of  wages 
in  the  pay  rolls  of  this  firm.  The  employment  of  young  girls 
on  cash  registers  has  tended  to  lower  the  wages  of  cashiers. 
The  temptation  for  the  little  girls  who  handle  large  sums  of 
money  is  great.  It  is  not  unknown  for  a  child  to  come  "short" 
$20  some  night  at  Christmas  time,  and  then  to  disappear  from 
the  store. 

There  are  a  few  minor  fines:  15  cents  for  wrong  entries  on 
tally  cards,  25  cents  for  sending  out  mismatched  clothes,  and  the 
entire  amount  of  the  sale  when  the  item  is  omitted.  The  latter 
is  not  strictly  enforced,  nor  is  the  fine  for  breakage  due  to  care- 
lessness.    Only  a  few  stores  mentioned  such  fines. 


108  MINIMUM  WAGE   BOARDS.  [Jan. 


Benefit  Associations, 

Nine  out  of  thirteen  of  the  department  stores  of  Boston  have 
benefit  associations.  Membership  in  four  of  the  associations 
is  compulsory  for  certain  grades  of  employees.  These  alone 
will  be  discussed,  as  only  the  compulsory  dues  have  direct 
relationship  to  the  earnings  of  the  worker. 

A  few  workers  are  excluded  from  the  compulsory  member- 
ship. No  person  with  chronic  disease  who  is  in  ill  health  is 
taken  as  a  member.  In  one  store  no  minors  who  earn  less  than 
S5  a  week,  nor  new  employees  during  the  first  three  months, 
are  compelled  to  join;  in  two  stores  no  one  who  worked  for 
the  firm  previous  to  the  inception  of  the  association;  in  a  third, 
no  one  under  sixteen  or  who  has  been  employed  less  than  thirty 
days. 

Payment  of  dues  is  required  from  thirty  to  sixty  days  before 
benefits  are  allowed.  The  employees  who  receive  under  $10 
a  week  pay  a  graded  fee  of  from  10  to  40  cents  a  month.  All 
of  the  organizations  raise  money  by  dances,  entertainments  or 
field  days.     Salaries  are  paid  in  two  of  them. 

The  benefits  for  sickness  vary  from  $2.50  to  $10  a  week,  or 
half  of  the  weekly  wage.  In  one  store  if  an  employee  is  sick 
for  only  one  week  at  a  time  she  loses  half  of  the  benefit.  In 
another,  no  benefit  is  paid  where  the  sick  woman  is  suffering 
from  a  chronic  disease  which  she  had  previous  to  joining.  But 
although  inehgible  for  benefits,  she  had  been  compelled  to  pay 
dues  because  she  had  not  been  properly  examined  at  the  start. 
Ten  weeks  during  one  year  is  the  maximum  period  for  which 
benefits  are  paid,  except  in  one  store  where,  if  the  illness  is 
not  consecutive,  fifteen  weeks  are  allowed  in  one  calendar  year. 
Fractions  of  a  week  are  generally  disregarded  except  in  one 
store,  and  then  only  after  a  full  week's  sickness.  In  this  store 
benefits  do  not  begin  until  the  day  of  application.  The  evi- 
dence of  sickness  required  in  practice  in  two  of  the  four  stores 
is  a  doctor's  certificate,  for  which  the  woman  pays,  thereby 
making  a  big  hole  in  her  small  benefit.  One  store  sends  out 
its  nurse  without  charge  and  another  the  head  of  its  investi- 
gating committee. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  109 

Death  benefits  of  from  $50  to  $100  are  given  by  three  of  the 
four  associations.  One  of  these  provides  that  when  the  dues 
had  been  10  or  20  cents  a  sum  not  exceeding  $50  may  be  paid. 
For  those  who  receive  small  wages  and  need  the  money  most 
there  is  apparently  a  possibility  of  receiving  less  than  the  usual 
amount.  The  secretary  of  this  association  spoke  of  the  death  of 
a  member  whose  brother-in-law  was  a  doctor.  The  doctor  was 
apparently  able  to  bear  the  expense  of  the  funeral,  so  when  he 
telephoned  the  store  in  regard  to  the  benefit  he  was  told  that 
the  association  was  not  required  to  pay  any.  Any  one  who 
dies  from  a  chronic  disease  existing  before  membership  receives 
no  benefit  unless  she  has  been  a  member  for  a  year. 

Special  donations  in  two  associations  can  be  voted  to  needy 
members  by  the  Board  of  Directors,  but  not  to  exceed  $50 
within  a  period  of  one  year's  service;  here  is  an  opportunity 
for  favoritism. 

Membership  is  terminated  when  the  woman  leaves  the  serv- 
ice of  the  house.  In  one  store  when  a  girl  is  on  a  forced  vacar- 
tion  she  can  retain  her  membership  only  through  paying  her 
dues.  Otherwise  on  her  return  she  must  pay  for  a  month 
without  being  eligible  to  benefits. 

Two  of  the  associations  are  incorporated,  but  none  of  them 
are  inspected  by  the  Massachusetts  Insurance  Commission. 

Although  these  compulsory  associations  are  intended  for  the 
welfare  of  the  employees,  they  serve  a  second  purpose  in  fore- 
stalling any  general  organization,  with  benefit  and  social  fea- 
tures, among  the  retail  clerks  of  the  city.  An  independent  and 
general  organization  might  discuss  the  industrial  situation.  If 
the  firms  which  believe  that  a  benefit  association  is  an  advan- 
tage to  the  clerks  would  encourage  them  to  form  a  general 
voluntary  organization  to  which  all  sales  persons  in  the  city 
were  eHgible,  it  would  retain  the  insurance  feature  and  remove 
several  objections.  It  would  give  freedom  to  every  one  to 
insure  himself  as  he  deemed  wisest.  Those  who  changed  firms 
would  not  become  ineligible  for  the  death  benefit  for  a  year, 
possibly,  and  for  the  sick  benefit  for  a  month.  As  it  stands 
there  is  a  restriction  on  free  movement  from  store  to  store. 
The  members  would  be  free  to  make  regulations  about  evi- 


no  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

dence  and  notification  of  sickness,  and  to  safeguard  the  special 
donation  system.  The  association  could  be  placed  under  proper 
inspection  by  the  State. 

In  averaging  the  weekly  earnings  of  the  wage  earners  in  the 
three  of  the  four  stores  in  question,  whose  pay  rolls  were  taken, 
the  benefit  association  dues  were  subtracted.  The  amount 
taken  off  varied  from  2 J  to  5  cents  a  week  in  most  instances. 
For  the  higher  paid  clerks,  only  a  few  of  whom  were  included 
in  the  investigation,  it  was  7J  to  10  cents  a  week. 

Clothing. 

In  occupations  where  the  worker  appears  before  the  public, 
an  allowance  has  to  be  made  in  her  wages  for  the  extra  cost  of 
clothing.  All  social  workers  who  have  hunted  work  with  their 
charges  know  the  value  of  outward  appearance.  They  under- 
stand the  necessity  of  presentable  clothing  which  the  hard- 
pressed  poor  insist  upon,  even  though  it  is  at  the  expense  of 
their  bodies.  They  insist  because  they  have  been  taught  by 
experience.  The  desire  for  suitable  clothes,  to  look  like  other 
people  in  our  democratic  country,  is  not  only  a  practical  instinct, 
but  it  is  often  the  worker's  only  opportunity  to  express  her  love 
of  beauty  and  possession.  A  few  of  the  saleswomen  may  dress 
too  much  and  inappropriately.  Undoubtedly  some  do  so  by 
means  of  iUicit  private  relations.  Yet  the  whole  body  of  sales- 
women cannot  be  judged  by  these  exceptions.  The  sales- 
women reported  in  "The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers'' 
spent,  on  an  average  S68.41  on  clothing,  or  19.14  per  cent,  of 
their  average  annual  income  of  $357.34.  Surely  a  very  moder- 
ate amount,  every  woman  knows,  to  include  winter  and  sum- 
mer wear,  —  coats,  hats,  shoes,  rubbers,  gloves,  dresses,  under- 
clothes, nightclothes,  handkerchiefs,  belts,  neckties  and  little 
sundries.  The  workers  in  all  occupations  who  received  from 
$3  to  $5  dressed  on  $50.41;  those  who  received  from  $6  to  $8 
on  $66.44;   and  those  from  $9  to  $11  on  $88.99. 

Many  of  the  stores  ask  more  than  a  generally  neat  up-to- 
date  appearance.  The  custom  in  the  large  Boston  stores  is 
more  and  more  that  the  women  shall  wear  white  waists  and 
black  skirts  in  the  summer,  and  after  October  1  black  dresses. 
The  women  in  one  of  the  stores  were  quite  poorly  dressed,  and 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  Ill 

a  number  of  the  younger  ones  wore  what  appeared  to  be  home- 
made clothes  of  crude  workmanship.  In  another  the  manage- 
ment announced  that  black  would  be  required,  but  the  employees 
protested  successfully.  Outside  of  Boston  only  one  store  was 
investigated  that  prescribed  the  clothing  of  the  workers.  Most 
of  the  stores  allow  10  per  cent,  off  on  material  bought  for  dresses 
to  be  w^orn  in  the  service  of  the  house. 

The  effort  at  consideration  in  some  stores,  in  contrast  to  the 
rough-shod  methods  in  others,  is  well  illustrated  by  two  instances 
where  the  women  were  exposed  to  the  cold  while  at  their  work. 
In  one  the  house  furnished  sweaters  for  its  people  to  wear;  in 
the  other,  when  the  girls  wore  whatever  sweaters  they  had,  — 
one  happened  to  be  white,  another  gray,  the  popular  colors,  — 
they  were  ordered  to  take  them  off.  Permission  was  given  to 
wear  black  sweaters.  It  means  scraping  pennies  for  a  store 
girl  spending  $68.41  on  clothing  a  year  to  buy  a  warm  sweater. 
It  means  a  pang,  too,  for  a  young  person  to  buy  a  black  sweater 
which  she  would  be  mortified  to  wear  on  her  outings. 

In  the  Appendix  ^  are  schedules  of  the  actual  clothing  which 
8  store  employees  bought  during  the  past  year,  and  which  they 
said  was  necessary  to  their  position  in  the  store.  The  amounts 
are  as  follows:  — 

1.  Stock  girl, $30  80 

2.  Stock  girl, 39  00 

3.  Saleswoman, 65  00 

4.  Saleswoman, 51  50 

5.  Saleswoman  in  costume  department, 78  20 

6.  Saleswoman, 46  60 

7.  Saleswoman, 39  60 

8.  Saleswoman, 41  20 

The  first  5  women  were  in  one  store,  the  last  2  in  another. 

These  women  had  to  have  coats,  hats,  etc.,  besides.  Also, 
the  black  and  white  clothing  is  more  or  less  in  the  nature  of  a 
uniform,  and  ordinarily  is  reserved  as  much  as  possible  for  the 
store.  The  scale  of  wages  in  stores  must  take  into  considera- 
tion the  extra  cost  of  clothing.  It  might,  roughly  estimated, 
be  from  50  cents  to  $1  a  week. 

Some  explanation  must  be  given,  however,  of  the  data  in  the 

1  See  pp.  221,  222. 


112  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

"Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers,"  showing  that  the  factory 
girls  spent  for  clothes  $70.71,  or  18.49  per  cent.,  of  their  annual 
income  of  $382.37,  against  the  $68.41,  or  19.14  per  cent.,  of  the 
saleswomen's  $357.54.  It  probably  lies  in  two  facts:  women  of 
various  occupations,  who  earn  between  $6  and  $11  a  week,  spend 
the  same  proportion  of  their  income  for  dress. ^  As  soon  as  any 
woman  living  on  a  small  wage  satisfies  her  first  desire  for  food  and 
housing,  she  puts  the  rest  of  her  money  into  clothes.  Moreover, 
$70.71  is  not  a  large  sum  for  a  factory  girl  to  spend.  She  must 
have  her  street  outfit  the  same  as  her  sister  in  the  store.  It  is 
no  longer  the  custom  for  her  to  slouch  away  from  the  factory 
in  her  old  clothes.  She  leaves  them  at  the  factory  to  put  on 
again  the  following  morning.  The  second  fact  is  that  the  fac- 
tory girl  gets  less  for  what  she  spends.  She  has  not  the  same 
opportunity  to  buy  real  bargains,  nor  the  same  knowledge  of 
values,  nor  the  firm's  discount.  She  does  not  economize  so 
often  by  home  dressmaking.^  Although  so  far  as  that  goes 
the  store  girl  pays  for  the  dressmaking  that  she  does  after  her 
day's  work  by  decreased  strength  and  energy. 

The  real  difference  between  the  cost  of  clothing  for  the  store 
girl  and  the  factory  girl  is  that  in  the  face  of  individual  neces- 
sity the  latter  can  cut  it  down  and  the  former  cannot. 

Variation  in  the  Weekly  Earnings. 
There  is  not  the  same  irregularity  of  earnings  in  most  stores 
as  was  shown  in  the  candy  industry,  except  in  the  two  which 
paid  a  commission  and  among  a  few  piece  workers  in  alteration 
departments.  The  work  is  very  regular  except  for  some  forced 
vacations.  There  is  little  question  but  that  it  is  the  habit  of 
the  employees  to  be  present  when  they  are  well  enough.  The 
regularity  of  the  work  and  the  almost  universal  paid  vacation 
assist  the  habit.  Yet  with  commissions,  bonuses  and  supper 
money  on  one  side,  and  the  fines,  benefit-association  dues,  a 
little  forced  absence  and  casual  sickness  on  the  other,  the  flat 
rate  does  not  show  the  earnings  of  the  individual  employee  as 
accurately  as  does  the  average  of  her  receipts  for  every  week 
in  which  she  worked  during  the  past  year.  Such  an  average 
was  taken  for  3,588  women. 

1  "  The  Living  Wage  for  Women  Workers,"  pp.  74,  75. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


113 


Average  Weekly  Earnings. 

The  main  object  of  the  investigation  was  to  find  the  number 
of  women  in  the  three  industries  who  were  poorly  paid.  It  was 
also  interesting  to  note  the  maximum  of  opportunity  and  the 
average  earnings  for  each  industry.  In  the  retail  stores  the 
latter  point  was  not  taken  up.  In  order  to  include  all  types  of 
stores  it  was  necessary  to  see  a  large  number  of  employees. 
Owing  to  the  limited  time,  this  could  be  accomplished  only  by 
eliminating  those  receiving  over  $8  a  week.  The  flat  rate  of 
the  more  highly  paid  workers  was  taken  so  that  the  proportion 
of  them  could  be  found.  In  a  table  in  the  Appendix  ^  are  shown 
the  earnings  of  89  of  the  higher  paid  workers.  The  majority 
of  them  were  lifted  into  that  class  through  a  commission  in 
addition  to  a  flat  rate  of  S8  or  less.  Some  were  head  sales- 
women in  the  smaller  stores.  In  the  following  table  they  were 
added  to  the  workers  taken  at  a  wage  level  of  more  than  $8. 
This  fact  should  be  borne  in  mind  when  analyzing  the  tables. 

Of  the  2,861  women  over  eighteen  years  of  age  who  reported 
both  their  earnings  and  their  age,  10.2  per  cent,  averaged  less 
than  $5  a  week,  and  29.5  per  cent,  less  than  $6.  These  per 
cents,  are  the  kernel  of  the  investigation. 

Of  the  467  minors  employed,  66.4  per  cent,  averaged  less 
than  $4  a  week,  and  96.3  per  cent,  averaged  less  than  $5. 

Cumulative  Number,  and  Per  Cent,  of  Women  Wage  Earners,  investi- 
gated in  the  Retail  Stores,  classified  by  Earnings  or  Wage  Level. 


Cumulative  Number  of  Women  with 
Average  Weekly  Earnings  — 

Number 

of  Women 

at  Wage 

Level  of 

$8 
and  Over. 

Age. 

Under 
$4. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

Under  18 

18  and  over, 

310 
90 

413 

291 

450 
845 

460 
1,372 

464 
1.730 

3 
1,131 

Total 

400 

704 

1,295 

1,832 

2,194 

1,134 

1  See  p.  276. 


114 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  Women 
Average  Weekly  Earnings  - 

WITH 

Per  Cent. 

of  Women 

at  Wage 

Level  of 

$8 

and  Over. 

Age. 

Under 
$4. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

Under  18 

18  and  over, 

63.4 
3.1 

88.4 
10.2 

96.3 
29.5 

98.5 
47.9 

99.4 
60.4 

.6 
39.6 

Total 

12.0 

21.2 

38.9 

55.1 

65.9 

34.1 

Annual  and  Hourly  Earnings.^ 
The  average  earnings  for  the  lower  paid  part  of  the  store 
employees  was  $313.26.  This  figure  is  based  on  the  1,533 
women  who  worked  throughout  the  year  in  one  store.  Their 
average  weekly  wage  was  $6.02.  The  hourly  earnings  varied 
from  3  cents  to  13  cents  for  the  women  who  earned  $8.  Of 
course  the  higher  paid  women  would  have  been  found  to  receive 
more  per  hour.  The  average  hourly  wage  for  all  those  who 
earned  $8  or  less  was  8  cents. 


Earnings  and  Experience.^ 

The  table  showing  the  connection  between  earnings  and  ex- 
perience is  of  limited  value,  as  those  who  advanced  to  higher 
rates  were  left  out  of  this  investigation.  It  does  show,  however, 
the  rate  of  progress  of  65.9  per  cent,  of  all  the  workers,  or  the 
great  mass  of  women  with  presumably  only  average  ability. 
There  were  seen  228  employees  who  had  been  employed  in 
stores  for  six  or  seven  years,  and  whose  median  earnings  were  from 
$6.50  to  $6.99,  and  398  more  who,  with  from  eight  to  thirty 
years'  experience,  earned  from  $7.50  to  $7.99.  Many  of  these 
626  women  were  making  a  pathetic  struggle. 

Jennie  is  a  frail  little  body,  about  forty  years  old.  After 
working  sixteen  years  in  a  Boston  department  store  her  wage 
was  $5  a  week.  Her  father,  a  day  laborer,  died  when  Jennie 
was  about  twenty,  leaving  a  widow  with  five  children  and 
nothing  else.  In  the  intervening  years,  during  which  the 
children  might  have  been  contributing  to  the  family  support, 
all  but  Jennie  and  one  sister  died.  When  the  only  surviving 
sister  was  murdered  by  a  drunken  husband,  the  double  blow 
was  dealt  Jennie  of  the  shock  of  her  sister's  horrible  death  and 


See  Appendix,  table,  p. 


2  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  287. 


d 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  115 

the  removal  of  the  last  hope  of  assistance.  For  eleven  years 
Jennie's  little  $5  a  week  had  been  the  sole  support  of  herself  and 
her  aged  mother.  She  is  clerk  in  the  employees'  cloak  room, 
and  the  girls  who  come  in  touch  with  her  are  so  fond  of  her  that 
they  do  much  to  ease  her  burden.  It  was  they  who  finally 
goaded  her  last  year  to  ask  for  a  raise.  When  her  astonished 
employer  learned  that  she  had  worked  sixteen  years  in  his  store 
and  attained  a  wage  of  only  $5  a  week  he  raised  it  $1.  He 
regretted  it  could  not  be  more  as  he  could  replace  her  for  $6. 
So  the  wage  is  supplemented  by  the  girls,  underpaid  themselves, 
but  comprehending  the  woman's  need.  Her  seventeen  years 
of  service  have  not  earned  her  a  vacation  with  pay,  but  these 
girls  squeeze  its  cost  out  of  their  pay  each  year.  They  pay  into 
the  store  Jennie's  benefit  dues;  they  insure  her  mother's  life. 
One  girl  trims  her  hats,  and  another  launders  her  shirtwaists ; 
others  pay  for  milk  and  fresh  eggs  to  keep  her  in  health  so  that 
she  may  continue  to  give  the  required  service  for  her  inadequate 
wage.     Jennie  spends  weekly  — 

For  rent, $1  75 

For  coal, 80 

For  oil.  08 

Fornjilk, 35 

For  church, 10 

For  lunch, '  .  60 


$3  68 


The  remaining  $2.32  pay  for  food  for  two,  clothes  for  two 
and  every  other  cost  of  living. 

Thus  seventeen  years  of  faithful  service  to  one  master  has 
won  for  Jennie  this  position  of  semi-dependence  upon  charity, 
increasing  anxiety  over  an  unprovided-for  future,  and  declin- 
ing health  as  a  result  of  her  pitiless  struggle  to  stretch  a  miser- 
able $5  over  the  cost  of  support  of  herself  and  mother. 

Earnings  by  Occupations. 
The  store  employees  who  were  interviewed  fall  into  three 
classes:    first,  the  cash,  bundle  and  stock  girls,  and  the  exam- 
iners;  second,  the  saleswomen;  and  third,  the  assistant  buyers 
and  floor  clerks,  and  the  women  who  have  a  trade  not  confined 


116 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


to  the  stores,  such  as  the  milliners,  alteration  hands  and  hair 
dressers.  The  two  latter  classes  are  not  proportionately  rep- 
resented in  the  following  table,  as  women  who  earned  over  $8 
a  week  were  not  included,  but  the  relative  numbers  of  those 
who  received  $8  or  less  are  shown.  The  work  is  more  sub- 
divided in  the  large  and  highly  organized  stores  of  Boston,  so 
that  the  table  is  made  up  from  the  Boston  workers  alone.  Only 
49  women,  other  than  sales  clerks,  were  reported  on  outside  of 
Boston. 

Very  few  of  the  cash  and  stock  girls,  only  8  per  cent.,  get 
over  $6  a  week;  over  one-half  get  less  than  S4.  The  sales- 
women do  the  best,  only  7.1  per  cent,  get  less  than  $5;  26.8 
per  cent,  get  between  $5  and  $5.99;  31.5  per  cent,  between 
$6  and  $6.99  and  22.6  per  cent,  between  $7  and  $8.  The  other 
workers,  with  some  general  responsibility  or  a  trade,  did  not 
average  so  high  as  the  saleswomen,  but  much  higher  than  the 
cash  girls.  The  employees  with  responsibility  are.  of  course, 
in  line  for  the  prizes  of  the  trade.  The  women  buyers  fre- 
quently receive  from  $1,000  to  $3,000  a  year,  and  there  are 
current  tales  of  one  or  two  who  were  paid  salaries  of  $10,000. 


Cumulative  Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Women  Wage  Earners  investigated 

in  the  Boston  Stores,  classified  by  Earnings  and  Occupations.^ 

Cumulative  Number. 


Occupation. 

Under 
$3. 

Under 
$4. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

Under 
$9. 

$9  and 
Over. 

Cashiers,   bundle    girls 
and  examiners,  . 

43 

300 

409 

485 

516 

526 

527 

. 

Saleswomen, 

2 

27 

77 

368 

709 

955 

1,034 

52 

Assistant  buyers,  milli- 
ners, alteration  hands, 
hair     dressers,     floor 
clerks,  etc.. 

6 

31 

68 

120 

150 

191 

198 

_ 

Cumulative  Per  Cent.                                             '^ 

Cashiers,  etc., 

8.2 

56.9 

77.7 

92.0 

97.9 

99.8 

100.0 

1 

Saleswomen, 

2 

2.5 

7.1 

33.9 

65.4 

88.0 

95.2 

4.8 

Assistant  buyers,  etc., 

3.0 

15.7 

34.3 

60.6 

75.8 

96.5 

100.0 

- 

1  None  are  included  whose  wage  level  was  over  $8. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  117 


Earnings. 
Median  Earnings  by' Age. 

Under  16  years, $3  00  to  $3  49 

16  and  17  years, 3  50  to  3  99 

18  to  20  years, 5  00  to  5  49 

21  to  24  yearS; 6  00  to  6  49 

25  years  and  over, 7  00  to  7  49 

There  is  a  marked  increase  in  earnings  with  age,  much  more 
so  than  in  the  candy  industry.  The  scale  of  wages  in  the  lat- 
ter is  already  cut  to  the  level  of  its  youthful  workers.  In  the 
stores  a  merchant  can  still  take  advantage  of  his  competitors 
by  replacing  his  grown  women  with  cheap  girls. 

Earnings  and  Living  Conditions.^ 
Among  the  self-dependent  store  women  were  found  fewer 
who  earned  under  $6  than  among  those  living  in  normal  families. 
Of  the  601  self-dependent  women  228,  or  38.2  per  cent.,  earned 
under  $6.  Of  the  women  included  among  these  who  were 
members  of  broken  families,  176,  or  46.5  per  cent.,  earned 
under  $6,  and  of  those  adrift,  52,  or  21.3  per  cent.  Of  the 
women  and  girls  in  normal  families,  1,068,  or  60  per  cent.,  earned 
under  S6.  There  were  about  one-half  as  many  low-paid  work- 
ers, proportionately,  among  the  self-dependent  as  among  the 
other  class. 

Earnings  by  Stores. 
One  of  the  objections  to  a  minimum  wage  is  that  it  would 
put  the  manufacturers  and  merchants  of  Massachusetts  at  a 
disadvantage  with  outside  competitors  by  lifting  the  lower  end 
of  their  wage  scale.  Yet  the  following  tables  show  that  com- 
petitors in  the  same  locality  are  now  succeeding  under  very 
diverse  wage  scales,  which  are  determined  by  the  policy  of  the 
various  stores  in  hiring  labor.  It  is  quite  true  that  a  store 
that  now  maintains  itself  by  paying  low  wages,  or  that  greedily 
makes  unfair  profits  by  doing  so,  would  be  seriously  affected 
by  a  minimum  wage  that  would  scarcely  touch  other  stores. 
Conceivably  it  might  force  some  storekeepers  out  of  business, 
but  in  that  case  the  better-class  merchants  would  be  reheved  of 
the  incubus  of  such  competitors. 

1  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  276. 


118 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Women  Wage  Earners  working  for  Various 
Average  Weekly  Earnings  in  Several  City  Stores  of  more  than  50 
Employees  outside  of  Boston. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of 

1 

Per  Cent, 
of  All 
Women 

• 

Women  employed  with  Average  Weekly 

Earnings  of  — 

Stores. 

Age. 

Workers 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

in  Each 

'         $4. 

$5. 

$S. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

Store. 

No.  1,    . 

Under  18, 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

1.2 

No.  2, 

Under  18. 

- 

50.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

3.9 

No.  3, 

Under  18, 

40.0 

100  0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

10.0 

No.  4, 

Under  18, 

44.4 

88.8 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

10.8 

No.  5. 

Under  18, 

44.4 

88.8 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

7.6 

No.  6, 

Under  18, 

_ 

_ 

No.  7, 

Under  18, 

- 

33.3 

100  0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

1.7 

No.  1, 

18  and  over 

_ 

3.1 

20.0 

43.1 

60.0 

40.0 

77.4 

No.  2, 

18  and  over 

- 

8.8 

41.2 

44.2 

61.8 

38.2 

66.7 

No.  3, 

18  and  over 

29.2 

66.7 

87.6 

100.0 

100.0 

24.0 

No.  4, 

18  and  over 

_ 

5.2 

44.2 

63.6 

68.9 

31.1 

82.8 

No.  5, 

18  and  over 

- 

5.5 

49.6 

50.4 

53.2 

46.8 

92.4 

No.  6, 

18  and  over 

7.2 

42.8 

_ 

- 

_ 

_ 

_ 

No.  7, 

18  and  over 

.6 

8.5 

35.2 

53.9 

62.6 

37.4 

97.8 

No.  1. 

All  ages, 

_ 

7.1 

26.2 

51.2 

69.0 

31.0 

100.0 

No.  2, 

All  ages, 

2.0 

11.8 

53.0 

60.8 

74.5 

25.5 

100.0 

No.  3, 

All  ages. 

44.0 

79.0 

93.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

No.  4, 

All  ages, 

8.6 

50.5 

67.8 

74.2 

25.8 

100.0 

No.  5, 

All  ages. 

3.4 

11.9 

53.4 

54.2 

56.8 

43.2 

100.0 

No.  6. 

All  ages. 

.6 

8.9 

36.1 

55.0 

63.3 

36.7 

100.0 

No.  7, 

All  ages. 

.6 

8.9 

36.1 

55.0 

63.3 

36.7 

100.0 

Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Women  Wage  Earners  working  for  Various 
Average  Weekly  Earnings  in  Several  City  Stores  of  less  than  30 
Employees  outside  of  Boston. 


Stores. 


No.  1, 

No.  2, 
No.  3, 
No.  4, 
No.  5, 
No.  6, 

No.  1, 
No.  2, 
No.  3, 
No.  4, 
No.  5, 
No.  6, 

Not, 
No.  2, 
No.  3, 
No.  4, 
No.  5, 
No.  6, 


Age. 


Under  18 
Under  18 
Under  18 
Under  18 
Under  18 
Under  18 


18  and  over, 
18  and  over 
18  and  over 
18  and  over 
IS  and  over 
18  and  over, 

All  ages, 
All  ages, 
All  ages, 
All  ages. 
All  ages, 
All  ages. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  op 

II 

Women  employed  with  Average  Weekly      i| 

Earnings  of — 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

$4. 

$5. 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

- 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

- 

66.7 

66.7 

66.7 

66.7 

33.3 

9.1 

27.3 

36.4 

45.4 

54.6 

45.4 

_ 

33.3 

66.7 

_ 

_ 

7.2 

42.8 

57.2 

42.8 

12.5 

62.5 

62.5 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

28.6 

57.2 

71.4 

28.6 

- 

33.3 

83.4 

83.4 

83.4 

16.6 

7.7 

23.1 

53.9 

57.7 

76.9 

23.1 

14.3 

14.3 

28.6 

50.0 

50.0 

_ 

7.2 

42.8 

57.2 

42.8 

27.3 

63.6 

63.6 

91.0 

91.0 

9.0 

28.5 

57.2 

71.4 

28.6 

- 

33.3 

83.4 

83.4 

83.4 

16.6 

Per  Cent. 

of  All 

Women 

Workers 

in  Each 

Store. 


14.3 
27.3 


42.3 
64.3 
100.0 
72.7 
100.0 
100.0 

100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


1 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


119 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Women  Wage  Earners  working  for  Various 
Average  Weekly  Earnings  in  5  and  10  Cent  Stores  in  Various  Places. 


CuMtJLATiVE  Per  Cent,  of 

1 

Per  Cent. 
of  AH 
Women 

Women  employed  with  Average  Weekly     i 

5  AND   10 

Age. 

Earnings  of  — 

Cent  Stores. 

Workers 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

in  Each 

$4. 

$5. 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

Store. 

No.  1,    , 

Under  18,    . 

78.6 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

13.2 

No.  2,    . 

Under  18,    . 

75.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

18.2 

No.  3,    . 

Under  18,    . 

16.7 

83.4 

100.0 

100.0 

100. 0 

- 

28.5 

No.  4,    . 

Under  18,    . 

81.8 

90.9 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

24.5 

No.  1,    . 

18  and  over, 

_ 

50.0 

68.8 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

23.6 

No.  2,    . 

18  and  over. 

_ 

_ 

42.8 

85.8 

100.0 

- 

31.8 

No.  3,    . 

18  and  over, 

'6.7 

33.3 

46.7 

86.7 

93.3 

6.7 

71.5 

No.  4,    . 

18  and  over, 

21.0 

57.9 

84.3 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

42.2 

No.  1,    . 

All  ages,      . 

_ 

66.2 

89.8 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

100.0 

No.  3,    . 

All  ages.      . 

31.8 

68.2 

81.9 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

100.0 

No.  3,    . 

All  ages,      . 

9.5 

47  5 

61.9 

90.5 

95.3 

4.7 

100.0 

No.  4,    . 

All  ages, 

48.9 

73.4 

89.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

100.0 

Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Women  Wage  Earners  working  for  Various 
Average  Weekly  Earnings  in  Several  Boston  Department  Stores. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  op 

1 

Per  Cent, 
of  All 
Women 

Women  employed  with  Average  Weekly     | 

Age. 

Earnings  op  — 

Workers 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

in  Each 

$4. 

$5. 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

Store. 

No.  1,    . 

Under  18,    . 

10.0 

50.0 

80.0 

80.0 

90.0 

10.0 

2.1 

No.  2,    . 

Under  18,    . 

69.2 

84.6 

92.4 

92.4 

100.0 

- 

3.3 

No.  3,    . 

Under  18,    . 

63.4 

92.9 

96.4 

99.4 

100.0 

- 

20.0 

No.  4,    . 

Under  18,    . 

60.0 

73.4 

86.7 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

4.9 

No.  5,    . 

Under  18,    . 

90.0 

97.1 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

11.4 

No.  6,    . 

Under  18,    . 

47.6 

94.4 

99.2 

99.2 

100.0 

- 

18.6 

No.  1,    . 

18  and  over, 

_ 

2.2 

12.7 

21.9 

31.7 

68.3 

78.6 

No.  2,    .     '  . 

18  and  over. 

.7 

1.4 

4.3 

42.7 

61.6 

38.4 

35.2 

No.  3,    . 

18  and  over. 

5.2 

13.1 

25.5 

44.1 

64.4 

35.6 

66.8 

No.  4,    . 

18  and  over, 

1.6 

5.0 

32.7 

51.7 

63.9 

36.1 

78.9 

No.  5,    . 

18  and  over. 

8.4 

18.2 

34.3 

39.7 

52.7 

47.3 

60.1 

No.  6.    . 

18  and  over, 

3.2 

16.7 

52.6 

71.9 

80.0 

20.0 

65.6 

No.  1,    . 

All  ages,      . 

1.0 

5.9 

19.6 

31.2 

42.3 

57.7 

100.0 

No.  2,    . 

All  ages, 

10.1 

12.4 

14.4 

33.5 

82.5 

17.5 

100.0 

No.  3,    . 

All  ages,      . 

22.0 

30.7 

42.4 

58.4 

73.3 

26.7 

100.0 

No.  4,    . 

All  ages,      . 

4.8 

8.2 

36.7 

57.3 

71.2 

28.8 

100.0 

No.  5,    . 

All  ages. 

24.2 

35.0 

48.9 

56.5 

70.9 

29.1 

100.0 

No.  6,     . 

All  ages, 

14.8 

35.1 

66.5 

80.5 

87.0 

13.0 

100.0 

The  preceding  table  gives  the  cumulative  percentage  of 
women  in  each  earnings  group  from  six  large  Boston  stores. 
That  the  contrast  may  be  more  easily  seen,  in  the  following 
summary  is  given  the  relative  standing  as  first,  second,  third, 
etc.,  of  each  store  for  each  earnings  group. 


120 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Earning  — 

Stores. 

Under 
$4. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

$8  and 
Over. 

No.l 

No.  2 

No.  3 

No.  4, 

No.  5 

No.  6 

1 
3 
5 
2 
6 
4 

1 
3 
4 
2 
5 
6 

2 

1 
4 
3 
5 
6 

1 
2 
5 
4 
3 
6 

1 
5 
4 
3 
2 
6 

1 
5 
4 
3 
2 
6 

Store  No.  1  had  the  smallest  percentage  of  workers  under 
each  given  sum,  and  the  highest  percentage  that  received  $8 
or  over.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this  store  paid  its  employees 
the  most.  It  shows  with  equal  clearness  that  store  No.  6  paid 
its  employees  the  low^est  wages.  Store  No.  2  and  store  No.  5 
show  a  reversal  of  policy.  The  former  had  few  women  earning 
under  $6.  Most  of  them  were  paid  from  $7  to  $8  and  com- 
paratively few  earned  more.  Store  No.  5  had  nearly  half  of 
its  force  earning  under  $6,  but  almost  one-third  had  $8  or  over. 
The  questions  which  are  not  answered  in  these  figures  are 
whether  the  men  in  store  No.  2  filled  the  more  responsible 
positions  and  so  reduced  the  number  of  higher  paid  women, 
and  whether  the  responsible  positions  in  store  No.  5  were  filled^ 
by  women  who  have  underbid  the  men. 

The  comparison  of  the  various  stores  by  adults  and  minors 
is  incomplete,  as  a  part  of  the  women  whose  earnings  were 
taken  from  the  books  were  absent  on  account  of  illness  or 
belated  vacations,  or  were  overlooked  in  the  great'  task  of 
interviewing  such  large  numbers.  The  entire  force  of  women 
for  each  store,  however,  is  represented  in  the  third  section  of 
the  table, —  "all  workers."  There  are  several  indications 
among  the  adults  that  are  significant.  Store  No.  2  has  scarcely 
any  who  earned  less  than  $6.  Store  No.  1  stood  well  in  this 
respect.  Stores  Nos.  1,  2  and  4  have  almost  cut  out  adult 
labor  earning  under  $5. 

These  six  stores  cater  to  somewhat  different  classes  of  trade, 
but  a  comparison  of  those  most  alike  shows  that  the  wage 
scale,  apparently,  is  not  necessarily  influenced  by  the  grade  of 
goods  sold. 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  121 

The  stores  in  cities  outside  of  Boston  show  no  tendency  to 
conform  in  their  wage  scales  to  others  of  the  same  locaHty  or 
size.  Some  pay  higher  wages  than  the  Boston  stores,  others 
pay  lower. 

The  5  and  10  cent  stores  have  the  lowest  scale  of  all.  In  only 
one  of  those  investigated  did  any  of  the  girls  earn  even  $7  a 
week,  and  in  that  store  only  9.5  per  cent.  The  other  three 
had  from  10.2  to  18.1  per  cent,  who  earned  between  $6  and 
$6.99,  and  the  remainder  even  less. 

Earnings  by  Locality. 
Earnings  are  as  high  outside  of  Boston  as  in  that  city.  Thirty- 
nine  per  cent,  of  the  adults  in  both  cases  earned  $8  and  over. 
The  Boston  stores  had  from  5  to  6  per  cent,  fewer  in  the  classes 
of  adults  who  earned  less  than  $5,  less  than  S6  and  less  than 
$7;.  they  had  a  fraction  of  a  per  cent,  more  adults  who  earned 
less  than  $4.  On  the  whole,  they  paid  a  trifle  more  for  adult 
labor.  They  paid  their  minors  distinctly  lower  wages;  73.4 
per  cent,  in  Boston  to  30.1  elsewhere  earned  less  than  $4,  while 
90.5  per  cent,  to  77.6  per  cent,  earned  less  than  $5,  and  all 
localities  paid  about  4  per  cent,  more  than  S6.  Boston  em- 
ployed 15.5  per  cent,  minors  to  9.3  per  cent,  employed  else- 
where. In  its  large  highly  organized  stores  more  minors  can 
be  utilized.  They  keep  down  the  pay  roll.  The  stores  in 
Cambridge,  Fall  River  and  Worcester  had  very  nearly  the  same 
scale  as  Boston.  The  scale  in  Lowell  was  considerably  lower; 
in  Springfield  it  was  considerably  higher.  Brockton,  with  its 
$6  minimum  except  for  a  few  undercutting  stores,  was  probably 
higher.  In  the  tiny  suburban  bakeries,  dry  goods  shops  and 
newspaper  stands,  which  employed  one  or  two  women,  the  pay 
averaged  better  than  in  Boston,  comparing  with  the  pay  in 
the  small  shops  in  the  South  End  and  out  as  far  as  Roxbury. 
The  little  places  which  depend  on  local  trade,  keep  open  long 
hours,  so  that  in  order  to  hold  their  saleswomen  they  must  pay 
fairly  good  wages.  They  also  allow  a  certain  amount  of  paid 
time  off  on  account  of  sickness  and  vacations.  They  impose 
no  fines  and  are  generally  considerate.^  In  the  small  shops  in 
the  South  End  men  are  superseding  the  women  because  the 
latter  cannot  work  such  long  hours.  The  women  retained  are 
usually  relatives  of  the  proprietor. 

1  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  302. 


122 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


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124  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 


Section  4.    Irkegularity  of  Employment  in  the  Retail 

Stores. 

Holidays  and  Vacations. 
Every  store  investigated  paid  for  holidays.  One  or  two 
docked  twice  when  workers  stayed  away  the  day  before  or 
after  a  hoUday.  A  paid  vacation  to  employees  who  had  been 
in  the  store  a  reasonable  length  of  time  was  the  general  prac- 
tice. One  large  Boston  store  and  six  of  the  twenty  stores 
investigated  in  other  cities  were  the  exceptions.  Twenty-one 
of  the  Httle  subm'ban  shops  gave  a  vacation,  to  six  that  allowed 
the  employees  to  take  a  week  or  two  off  without  pay.  The 
vacation  varied  from  one  to  three  weeks.  Oftentimes  no  vaca- 
tion was  given  to  employees  who  had  been  in  the  store  less 
than  a  year.  Quite  a  few  of  the  stores,  however,  gave  vaca- 
tions after  six  months'  service.  One  store  gave  a  vacation  of 
one  week  to  all  who  were  in  its  employ  the  first  week  of  Janu- 
ary. This  store  laid  off  a  great  many  of  its  help  the  week  after 
Christmas.  Instances  were  reported  in  this  store  where  regu- 
lar employees  were  out  for  illness  that  particular  week,  and 
consequently  lost  their  vacation.  Two  weeks  is  the  usual 
vacation  for  the  worker  who  has  been  employed  for  two  years. 

Shutdowns  and  Forced  Vacations. 
The  regular  employees  in  stores  are  laid  off  comparatively 
Httle.  Vacations  without  pay,  however,  are  frequently  urged 
in  the  summer.  Some  employees  say  that  they  are  forced  to 
take  them,  others  say  that  an  arrangement  can  be  made  with 
the  superintendent  by  which  they  need  not  go.  One  Boston 
store  compels  the  workers  to  take  an  unpaid  vacation  after 
Christmas.  In  almost  all  of  the  stores  work  is  slack  in  the 
millinery,  cloak  and  alteration  departments  from  December  or 
January  to  February  or  March,  and  from  July  to  October,  but 
these  workers  are  a  small  proportion  of  the  force. 

Absence  for  Illness. 
Almost  all  stores  dock  for  illness,  but  in  a  few  cases  in  the 
establishments  outside  of  Boston  there  was  a  certain  elasticity 
of  system  at  the  discretion  of  the  manager.     One  store  docked 


r 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  125 

for  nothing  less  than  half  a  day;  another  made  allowances  for 
the  woman  with  a  good  record;  another,  when  the  privilege 
was  not  abused;  a  third,  when  a  worker  went  home,  overcome 
by  the  heat;  and  a  fourth  did  not  deduct  when  cause  was 
shown  for  anything  under  a  week's  absence.  In  the  little  shops, 
employing  but  one  or  two  workers,  the  humane  element  was 
even  more  frequently  met.  Here  the  employer  knew,  person- 
ally, his  worker  and  her  circumstances. 

Loss  of  Time  of  Individual  Employees  as  shown  by  the  Pay  Rolls. 

The  amount  of  time  during  which  the  steadiest  workers  were 
unemployed  is  shown  in  tabular  form.  The  weekly  earnings 
of  each  employee,  as  taken  from  the  pay  rolls,  indicated  when- 
ever she  had  been  absent  any  noticeable  amount.  The  reason 
for  absence  was  sometimes  noted  on  the  books  as  "sickness" 
and  "vacation;"  but  most  of  the  information  was  obtained 
from  the  worker.  She  would  remember  many  of  the  times 
when  she  "was  out  for  any  unusual  cause,  such  as  sickness  in 
her  family,  or  a  prolonged  sickness  of  her  own,  but  she  had 
forgotten  single  days  when  she  had  stayed  out  for  a  little  rest, 
or  when  she  did  not  feel  well  enough  to  work,  and  yet  was  not 
sick.  Of  all  the  women,  66.5  per  cent,  were  out  for  unreported 
reasons.  With  more  time  to  talk  with  the  women,  a  closer 
analysis  could  have  been  made  of  the  causes  for  unemployment. 
Since  48.8  per  cent,  of  absence  was  for  unknown  causes,  the 
results  are  only  indicative. 

Forced  vacations  were  the  share  of  80  women,  or  5.2  per 
cent,  of  the  whole  number.  They  averaged  15.8  days  in  length. 
Sickness  was  reported  by  153  women,  or  10  per  cent.  It  usually 
lasted  for  8.3  days.  Absence  because  of  sickness  in  the  family 
occurred  in  27  cases,  or  for  1.8  per  cent,  of  the  women.  The 
average  period  for  this  reason  was  six  days.  The  great  cause 
for  loss  of  time,  —  voluntary  absence,  —  was  reported  by  695 
women,  or  45.3  per  cent,  of  them  all.  It  amounted  to  9.9  days 
apiece.  For  all  of  the  1,533  year-round  workers,  the  average 
loss  of  time  was  two  weeks  and  one  day. 

A  comparison  between  the  year-round  workers  and  the 
women  employed  in  one  place  for  a  lesser  time  shows  that  only 
one-half  as  large  a  per  cent,  of  the  latter  were  absent  because 


126  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

of  sickness  and  personal  reasons.  Sickness  may  have  pre- 
vented some  of  them  from  keeping  their  work  throughout  the 
year,  and  more  latitude  may  be  given  the  old  hand  in  the  way 
of  voluntary  absence.  The  per  cent,  of  workers  absent  for 
industrial  reasons,  or  because  of  sickness  in  the  family,  was 
nearly  the  same.  The  duration  of  the  unemployment  was 
always  very  much  shorter  for  the  steadier  worker. 


n 


^ 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


127 


1^ 


"I 


Average 

Percent. 

of  the  Year 

unemployed, 

based  on 

305  Working 

Days. 

an 

e«s      e«5c^_ 

CO        i-l_    , 

•OiO 

in      )^ 

- 

Average 
Number  of 

Days 
unemployed 

for 
AU  Women. 

t-05 

CO      ot- 

00        (Ni-i 

m     to,H 

eo 

Per  Cent. 

of  Total 

unemployed 

due  to  Each 

Cause. 

to  OS 

00        t^-^ 

.<!<        <M»C 

00        OOO 

rK        irt-H 

m 

into 

O       lr-U5 

O         rH 

»OCO 
CO  CO 

S        ^-^ 

Aggregate 
Number  of 

Days 
unemployed 

for 
All  Women. 

l§ 

1,260 

654 
610 

1,264 

102 
61 

163 

2,987 
3,857 

.6,844 

385 
120 

' 

Per  Cent, 
reporting 
Unemploy- 
ment. 

eo(N 
uiui 

5.2 

12.6 
7.9 

o      e»os 

1.8 

45.1 
45.4 

CO        C«OJ 

ui     eo 

a> 

Number 
reporting 
Unemploy- 
ment. 

W5  1-0 

§  ss§ 

3    3°° 

>u 

i  s" 

S 

li 
ll 

Under  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

Under  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

Under  $6, 
$6  and  over. 

Under  $6, 
$6  and  over, 

Under  $6. 
$6  and  over, 

Reasons  for  not  Working. 

s 
.9 

i 

s 

Total 

Sickness, 

B 

ja 

o 

i  "i 

CO 

■  s' 

1  1 

I 

'  i 
•  1 

■  •s 
.a' 

■1 

1 

s 

d 

•  1 

a 

(0 

1 .1 

d 

1 

128 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Average 

Per  Cent. 

of  the  Year 

unemployed, 

based  on 

305  Working 

Days 

-, 

1         *'!'^. 

^        (MCO 

Average 
Number  of 

Days 
unemployed 

for 
All  Women. 

(M^ 

»H      0000 

lO  CO 

6.3 

12.9 
13.1 

o 

CO 

Per  Cent. 

of  Total 

unemployed 

due  to  Each 

Cause. 

•CO  US 

.8 

44.8 
51.8 

48.8 

100.0 
100  0 

o 
1 

Aggregate 
Number  of 

Days 
unemployed 

for 
All  Women. 

|§ 

168 

3  828 
5,898 

9.724 

8,540 
11,388 

Ol 

Per  Cent, 
reporting 
Unemploy- 
ment. 

WiO 

.9 

60.9 
70.8 

66  5 

88.4 
90.7 

OS 

S8 

Number 
reporting 
Unemploy- 
ment. 

2"* 

1,019 

574 

788 

5 

Under  $6, 

$6  and  over,     . 

Under  $6, 

$6  and  over  ,   . 

Under  $6, 

$6  and  over,    , 

d 
I 

i 

i 

1 
? 

% 
1 

1 
i 

•> 

^1 

IS 

■    a 

8 

1 

1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


129 


i 
I 


"s 


o 

§ 

»   . 
z 

i 

Average 
Per  Cent. 

of  the 
Year  lost 
for  Given 

Reason. 

tr~       ooio 

O        COCSI 
(N        COCO 

(M 

CO 

Average 
Amount 
of  Time 

lost 
(Days). 

00        0000 
lO        1^00 

CO       -^o 

00      "it^^ 

O       OOO 

o      do 

Number 
reporting 

Lass 
of  Time. 

iS:5 

§  s§ 

CO      ooo 

1 

■«! 

& 
a 

n 

a 
a 

o 

o 

w 

H 

o 

Average 
Per  Cent, 
of  Period 
employed 

lost 
for  Given 

Reason. 

00      uia, 

0>        <MCO 

2  °°?i 

o 

Average 
Amount 
of  Time 

lost 
(Days) 

>ce<5 

t^          05C0 

S5   §s 

CO      oo 

00 

1 

1 

Average 
Length  of 
Period  of 
Employ- 
ment 
(Weeks). 

<M        CO  fO 

CO        t^M 

-^'         CO  00 

-<*<      coco 

Per  Cent. 

of  All 

Part-of- 

the-Year 

Workers. 

eeoo 

to      leitr, 

CO        OOr- 

a>      -"jtoo      CO 

Number 
reporting 

Loss 
of  Time. 

ss 

g      g^ 

o    2"^ 

-  ii 

>> 
> 

<3 

Under  $6,    . 
$6  and  over, 

Under  $6, 
$6  and  over 

Under  $0, 
$6  and  over 

Under  $6. 
$6  and  over 

a 
s 

to 

i 

1 

3    g 

£ 

e 

•  i 

^  1 

1 

^  i 

130  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 


Flux  of  Workers  in  One  Store. 

Flux  of  Women  Employees  by  Per  Cent,  from  the  Pay  Roll  of  One  Large 
Boston  Retail  Store  during  the  Year  from  Oct.  31,  1910,  to  Oct.  4t 
1911.^ 

Per  Cent. 

Employees  receiving  over  $8  a  week,  and  not  included  in  the 

study, 8.3 

Employees  receiving  $8  or  less,  and  included  in  the  study,       .      91.7 

Employees  studied,  counted  as, 100.0 

Employees  who  remained  in  the  store  for  the  entire  year,         .      28.2 
Employees  who  were  in  the  store  a  part  of  the  year,  .       .      71 .8 

Employees  who  were  in  the  store  a  part  of  the  year,  and 

who  had  left  before  Oct.  4,  1911, 52.8 

Employees  who  were  in  the  store  a  part  of  the  year,  and 

who  are  still  there, 19.0 

For  the  52.8  per  cent.,  the  average  period  of  employment  was  14  weeks. 
69.2  per  cent,  were  employed  from  1  to  13  weeks. 

10.0  per  cent,  were  employed  from  14  to  26  weeks. 
12.5  per  cent,  were  employed  from  27  to  38  weeks. 
8.2  per  cent,  were  employed  from  39  to  50  weeks. 

For  the  19  per  cent,  the  average  period  of  employment  was  14  weeks, 
1  day. 
69.7  per  cent,  were  employed  for  1  to  13  weeks. 

11.1  per  cent,  were  employed  from  14  to  26  weeks. 
11.7  per  cent,  were  employed  from  27  to  38  weeks. 
7.4  per  cent,  were  employed  from  39  to  50  weeks. 

It  might  be  argued,  to  minimize  the  extent  of  short-term 
employment  in  this  store,  that  the  69  per  cent,  of  each  of  these 
classes  who  worked  from  one  to  thirteen  weeks  were  all  Christ- 
mas specials,  or  help  employed  for  special  sales  of  a  week's 
dm*ation,  although,  as  has  been  stated,  only  the  regular  em- 
ployees were  included.  The  following  table  gives  the  percent- 
ages of  all  the  women  in  both  of  these  classes  taken  together, 
who  worked  for  the  various  periods  under  fourteen  weeks. 


7. 1  per  cent,  for  1  week. 

14 . 2  per  cent. 

for  9  weeks. 

12 . 4  per  cent,  for  2  weeks. 

1 . 4  per  cent. 

for  10  weeks. 

12 . 8  per  cent,  for  3  weeks. 

1 . 8  per  cent. 

for  11  weeks. 

9 . 7  per  cent,  for  4  weeks. 

8.3  per  cent. 

for  12  weeks. 

4.2  per  cent,  for  5  weeks. 

11.4  per  cent. 

for  13  weeks. 

2 . 4  per  cent,  for  6  weeks. 

g 

8.3  per  cent,  for  7  weeks. 

.99.5 

\ 

5.5  per  cent,  for  8  weeks. 

I 
I 


1  This  table  is  based  on  regular  women  employees,  exclusive  of  specials,  emergency  or 
Christmas  help. 


d 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


131 


Nothing  could  be  more  demoralizing  to  the  workers  than 
such  a  drifting  here  and  there;  nothing  more  a  foe  to  efficiency, 
ambition,  the  pride  of  the  workwoman  in  work  well  done  and 
a  feeling  of  responsibility  toward  her  employer.  This  em- 
ployer, for  his  part,  cannot  feel  any  responsibility  toward  her, 
and  for  as  long  as  the  labor  of  woman  gluts  the  market  he  may 
go  his  selfish  way. 

Changes  from  Store  to  Store  and  from  Trade  to  Trade  and  the 
Worker's  Reasons. 
The  following  table  shows  that  841,  or  30.8  per  cent.,  of  the. 
women  had  never  worked  in  any  place  but  the  store  in  which 
they  began.  Of  these  841  women,  25.6  per  cent,  had  worked 
less  than  a  year,  39.1  per  cent,  had  worked  for  more  than  one 
year,  but  less  than  four  years,  and  35.3  per  cent,  had  worked 
from  four  years  to  over  thirty.  On  the  other  hand,  of  the  girls 
who  had  worked  less  than  one  year,  37.7  per  cent,  had  changed 
employment  at  least  once,  and  some  several  times.  One  had 
had  five  places  inside  of  six  months. 


Number  of  Workers  reporting  Trade  History  who  shifted  from  Store  to 
Store  or  from  Occupation  to  Occupation. 


Workers 

REPORTING. 

Number  shifting  — 

. 

Years  at  Work. 

01 

Xi 

43 

1 

"3 

i 

o 

a 

H 

1 

a 
•1 

1 

I 

a 

Less  than  1,         .         .         . 

343 

12.6 

214 

97 

25 

6 

1 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

1  to    4 

1.001 

36.7 

329 

389 

175 

76 

27 

4 

1 

- 

- 

- 

4  to  10, 

1,025 

37.6 

247 

341 

255 

124 

40 

17 

1 

- 

- 

10  and  over, 

357 

13.1 

51 

120 

85 

48 

35 

11 

2 

3 

1 

1 

Total    number    of 

workers,     . 

2,726 

100.0 

841 

947 

540 

254 

103 

32 

4 

3 

1 

1 

Two-thirds  of  the  women  had  never  worked  outside  of  the 
various  stores,  although  they  had  shifted  from  one  store  to 
another.  Twenty-five  per  cent,  had  been  in  one  other  occu- 
pation previously.  Eight  per  cent,  had  been  through  a  more 
varied  experience,  but  only  four  girls  had  tried  as  many  as  four 
other  trades. 


132 


MINIMUIVI  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Number  of  Trades  at  which  the  Workers  were  employed. 


Total 
Number 

of 
Workers 
report- 
in?. 

Number  who  worked  in  — 

Years  at  Work. 

Retail 
Stores 
only. 

One 
Other 
Trade. 

Two 

Other 
Trades. 

Three 
Other 
Trades. 

Four 
Other 
Trades. 

Less  than  1,          .... 

1  to    4 

4  to  10 

10  and  over,          .... 

504 
1,075 
'824 

239 

462 

752 

457 

75 

38 
246 
286 
110 

3 

70 
67 
40 

1 
6 
13 
12 

1 
1 
2 

Total  number  of  workers,      . 

2,462 

1,746 

680 

180 

32 

4 

Per  Cent. 

Less  than  1,          .... 

100.0 

91.7 

7.5 

.6 

,2 

_ 

1  to    4, 

100.0 

70.0 

22.8 

6.5 

•6 

.1 

4  to  10,          

100.0 

55.5 

34.7 

8.1 

1.6 

.1 

10  and  over,          .... 

100.0 

31.4 

46.1 

16.7 

5.0 

■8 

Total 

100.0 

66.1 

25.7 

6.8 

1.2 

.2 

The  reasons  the  workers  gave  for  changing  from  place  to 
place  compare  rather  closely  with  those  given  by  the  candy 
worker.  The  changes  due  to  industrial  reasons  are  somewhat « 
greater.  Not  all  of  these  changes  are  within  the  round  of  the 
stores.  The  ambition  of  the  worker  to  better  herself  by  get- 
ting another  position  is  not  as  obvious  among  the  store  help, 
possibly  because  of  a  tacit  understanding  among  the  stores,  as 
stated  by  an  officer  of  the  Retail  Clerks'  Association,  not  to 
hire  workers  already  employed  by  a  fellow  merchant.  Sick- 
ness is  more  often  a  factor  than  with  the  candy  workers. 


Reason  why  Workers  changed  from  Place  to  Place. 


Reason. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Slack  work  or  none, 

Conditions  of  work  and  working  place,           .... 

Ambition  of  worker, 

Sickness 

Sickness  in  worker's  family, 

Personal  considerations, 

771 
245 

729 
268 
101 

807 

26.4 
8.4 

24.9 
9.2 
3  5 

27.6 

2,9211 

100.0 

r 


1  No  reason  reported  for  509  shifts. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


133 


Section  5.    The  Economic  Condition  of  the  Retail  Store 

Employees. 

Living  Conditions. 


Age  by  Years. 

Number 

re- 
porting. 

At  Home 
AND  Male  Wage 

Earner 
IN  THE  Family. 

At  Home  and  no 

Male  Wage 

Earner  in  the 

Family. 

Adrift. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Under  16,  . 
16  and  17,  . 
18  to  20,      . 
21  to  24,      . 
25  and  over, 

116 
351 
558 
577 
775 

98 
301 
469 
450 
458 

5.5 
17.0 
26.4 
25.3 

25.8 

18 
47 
70 
77 
145 

5.0 
13.2 
19.6 
21.6 
40.6 

3 

19 

50 

172 

1.2 

7.8 

20.5 

70.5 

Total,  . 

2,377 

1,776 

74.9 

357 

15.0 

244 

10.1 

Of  all  the  store  women,  74.9  per  cent,  lived  in  families  with 
a  male  wage  earner,  and  25.1  per  cent,  were  self-dependent. 
Of  the  women  adrift,  70.5  per  cent,  were  twenty-five  years  old 
•or  more,  20.5  were  young  women  from  twenty-one  to  twenty- 
four  years  old,  and  9  per  cent,  were  young  girls.  The  other 
self-dependent  class  of  women,  those  who  are  living  in  a  home 
without  a  male  wage  earner,  were  scattered  more  generally 
through  the  viarious  age  groups,  with  the  largest  per  cent., 
40.6,  in  the  group  of  the  oldest  women.  The  following  are 
the  percentages  in  each  age  group  of  the  two  classes  of  self- 
dependent  women  taken  together. 

Per  Cent. 

Under  16  years, 15.0 

16  and  17  years, 14.2 

18  to  20  years, 15.9 

21  to  24  years, 22.0 

25  years  and  over, 40.9 

Fifteen  per  cent,  of  all  the  women  were  living  in  families 
where  there  was  no  male  worker  to  lift  the  family  budget  by 
his  wages,  which  are  scaled  in  theory  to  enable  him  to  support 
a  wife  and  children.  This  percentage  held  true  throughout 
the  cities  investigated,  with  the  exception  of  Fall  River,  which 
had  8.3  per  cent.^    In  Worcester  it  rose  to  17.7  per  cent.,  and 

1  The  Brockton  investigation  is  not  typical,  because  none  of  the  unionized  department 
stores  were  taken. 


134  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

in  Springfield  and  the  suburban  Boston  shops  it  sank  to  14.3 
per  cent.  There  was  more  variation  in  the  percentages  of  the 
women  who  were  adrift.  Although  Boston  had  10.4  per  cent., 
and  all  the  other  cities  taken  together  9.9  per  cent.,  Cambridge 
had  19  per  cent.,  Lowell  14.9  and  the  small  shops  in  the  sub- 
urbs of  Boston,  14.3,  in  each  case  considerably  more  than  Bos- 
ton. Springfield  had  6.7  per  cent.,  Worcester  6.8  per  cent, 
and  Fall  River  8.2  per  cent.,  a  variation  of  from  2.2  per  cent, 
to  3.7  per  cent,  less  than  Boston. 

In  general,  one  fact  stands  clear;  throughout  the  cities  of 
the  State  about  one-quarter  of  the  women  workers  in  stores  are 
dependent  on  their  own  resources.  Again  the  question  arises 
as  to  the  economy  to  society  of  a  scale  of  wages  that  is  fixed 
on  the  basis  of  the  need  of  women  living  T\ith  their  fathers  in 
disregard  of  one-quarter  of  the  workers.  Moreover,  those  who 
decrease  their  expenses  by  co-operative  living  at  home  have  to 
bear,  as  the  table  on  page  138  shows,  more  than  their  share  of 
the  whole  cost  of  the  family  group,  for  in  all  but  5  per  cent,  of 
the  families  there  were  one  or  more  persons  who  were  not  con- 
tributing to  the  family  income,  and  who  had  to  be  carried  by 
the  wage  earners. 


1 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


135 


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MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


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1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


137 


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MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


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1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


139 


^ 


Average 
Number 

of 

Members 

in  the 

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Number  of  Wage 
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140 


MINIMUlVi  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


The  preceding  tables  show,  as  with  the  candy  workers,  the 
folly  of  the  idea  that  the  397  women  who  lived  at  home  in  a 
broken  family,  and  carried  the  absent  man's  burden,  economized 
by  co-operative  living.  That  was  true  for  only  61  women,  or 
15.3  per  cent.  These  women  were  living  with  relatives,  who 
were  also  wage  earners.  The  large  majority,  336,  or  84.6  per 
cent.,  offset  the  economy  of  co-operative  living  by  their  effort 
to  support,  with  the  help  of  one  or  more  other  women  workers, 
a  family  of  varying  size.  Seventy  of  them,  or  17.6  per  cent, 
of  all  the  women  of  this  class,  did  not  economize  at  all  by 
co-operative  living,  as  they  were  the  sole  dependence,  save  for 
charity,  of  from  two  to  nine  persons. 

The  uneven  proportion  of  the  number  of  workers  to  the  num- 
ber to  be  supported  in  the  normal  home  is  the  same  as  among 
the  candy  workers,  except  that  there  are  a  large  proportion  of 
families  supported  by  one  man  with  the  help  of  one  woman. 

The  pin-money  theory  is  even  more  conclusively  disposed  of 
in  the  case  of  the  store  girls  than  of  the  candy  workers.  There 
were  not  enough  foreigners  to  give  ground  to  the  argument  that 
the  custom  of  handing  over  the  pay  envelope  accounted  even 
in  part  for  the  61.8  per  cent,  who  did  so.  The  greater  age  of 
the  store  employees  explains  why  a  larger  proportion,  34.9  per 
cent.,  turned  over  only  a  part  of  their  earnings.  The  remainder, 
beyond  the  share  for  board  and  lodging,  they  managed  for 
themselves.  The  pin-money  workers  were  only  3.3  per  cent, 
of  the  2,276  workers  who  reported. 

The  living  conditions  of  the  cash  girls,  saleswomen  and  assist- 
ant buyers,  milliners,  alteration  hands,  etc.,  contrast  as  fol- 
lows: — 

Living  Condition  by  Occupations  in  Boston. 


Num- 
ber 
re- 
port- 
ing. 

At  Home 
AND  Male 

Wage 

.Earner  in 

Family. 

At  Home 

AND  NO  Male 

Wage 

E.4.RNER  IN 

Family. 

Adrift. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Cash,  girls,  bundle  girls,  etc.,  . 
Saleswomen,     .... 
As^stant  buyers,  milliners,  al- 
teration hands,  etc.. 

621 
1,798 

373 

527 
1,268 

309 

84.9 
70.5 

82.8 

80 
275 

41 

12.9 
15.3 

11.0 

14 
255 

23 

2.2 
14.2 

6.2 

Total,         .... 

2.792 

2,104 

75.4 

396 

14.2 

292 

10.4 

1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


141 


Charitable  Assistance. 

The  question  of  the  number  who  were  known  to  receive  chari- 
table assistance,  and  its  significance,  was  dealt  with  in  detail 
in  section  5  of  the  candy  trade. 

The  significant  fact  for  the  retail  business  is  that  12.7  per 
cent,  of  its  employees  had  been  helped  by  organized  charity. 
Again  the  families  without  a  male  wage  earner  had  the  largest 
per  cent,  of  cases,  but  those  with  a  male  wage  earner  were  a 
close  second.  However  the  store  women  who  were  adrift  eked 
out  their  wages,  it  was  not  by  this  kind  of  charity.  Again,  the 
families  of  the  women  who  earned  tinder  $6  a  week  had  required 
assistance  in  a  larger  majority  of  cases.  The  dissimilarity 
between  the  two  trades  lies  in  the  greater  per  cent,  of  the  candy 
workers  who  received  aid.    Their  earnings  were  less. 


Families  of  Boston  Store  Employees  who  received  Charitable  Assistance. 


Living  Conditions. 

Average  Week- 
ly Earnings. 

Number 

re- 
porting. 

Receiving  Aid  op 
Any  Sort. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

At  home,  male  wage  earner  in  family, 

Under  $6,        . 
$6  and  over,   . 
Not  reported. 

Under  $6,        . 
$6  and  over,  . 
Not  reported. 

795 
551 

188 

126 
37 

28 

15.8 
6.7 
14.9 

Total 

At  home,  no  male  wage  earner  in  family, 

1.534 

141 
136 
32 

191 

38 

15 

2 

12.4 

27.0 
11.0 
6.3 

Total,  . 

309 

37 
151 
40 

55 

4 
5 
1 

17.8 

Adrift,         .  ' 

Under  $6,       . 
$6  and  over,   . 
Not  reported, 

10.8 
3.3 
2.5 

Total,  . 

228 

973 

838 
203 

10 

168 
57 
31 

4.4 

All 

Under  $6, 

$6  and  over,    . 

Not  reported, 

17.3 
6.8 
15.3 

Total 

2,014 

256 

12.7 

The  per  cent,  of  families  in  Worcester,  Cambridge  and  Fall 
River  who  received  aid  is  smaller.  This  may  be  partly  due  to 
less  complete  registration  of  those  who  were  helped,  and  to  less 
organized  charitable  activity. 


142 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Families  of  Worcester,  Cambridge  and  Fall  River  Store  Employees  who 
received  Charitable  Assistance. 


Living  Conditions. 

Average  Week- 
ly Earnings. 

Number 

re- 
porting. 

Receiving  Aid  of 
Any  Sort. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

At  home,  male  wage  earner  in  family, 

Under  $6,       . 
$6  and  over,  . 

Under  $6,       . 
$6  and  over,  . 

136 

83 

10 
6 

7.4 
7.2 

Total,           .        .        .        .     ■  . 
At  home,  no  male  wage  earner  in  family, 

219 

14 

26 

16 
4 

7.3 

28.6 

Total 

40 

5 

19 

4 
1 

10  0 

Adrift 

Under  $6,       . 
$6  and  over,  . 

5.3 

Total 

24 

155 
128 

1 

14 

7 

4  2 

All 

Under  $6, 
$6  and  over,  . 

9.0 
5.5 

Total, 

283 

1            21 

7.4 

III. 

WAGES  OF  WOMEN  IN   THE  LAUNDRIES. 

Section  1.    The  Laundry  Trade. 

Census  of  Manufactures,  1909. 

Preliminary  Statement  of  Steam  Laundries  in  the  United  States  and  the 

State  of  Massachusetts. 


I 


United  States.     Massachusetts 


Number  of  establishments, 

Capital  invested, 

Cost  of  materials  used, 

Salaries, 

Wages  for  men  and  women, » 

Miscellaneous  expenses 

Value  of  product  or  amount  received  f6r  work  done. 
Number  of  salaried  officials  and  clerks, 
Average  number  of  wage  earners  employed,    . 
Actual  number  employed  on  Dec.  15,  1909:  — 

Men  16  years  and  over 

Men  less  than  16  years, 

Women  16  years  and  over, 

Vomen  less  than  16  years, 

*  Not  shown  separately 


5,186 

$68,935,226 

17,696,360 

8,180,769 

44,826,978 

14,483,497 

104,680,086 

9,170 

109,484 

31,947 

274 

79,152 


$2,951,025 

903,845 

336,326 

2,582,593 

922,371 

5,754,572 

384 

5,958 

1,901 
25 

4,193 
56 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  143 

Two  hundred  and  eighty  steam  laundries  are  scattered 
throughout  Massachusetts.  Every  place  of  any  size  has  one 
or  more.  The  business  is  built  on  local  need.  There  is  some 
steamship  and  railroad  trade  which  could  be  done  out  of  the 
State,  at  the  other  end  of  the  line.  The  cost  of  transporting 
laundry  work,  and  the  time  taken  in  doing  so,  form  a  natural 
barrier  against  outside  competition.  One  hotel,  for  example, 
has  only  a  two  days'  supply  of  linen. 

A  serious  element  in  the  situation  for  the  laundry  men  is  the 
local  competition  of  the  Chinese,  who  conduct  business,  wash, 
iron,  sleep  and  live  in  two  rooms.  A  most  intelligent  man, 
who  went  over  the  situation  carefully,  reports  that  the  Chinese 
pick  up  in  Boston  and  within  a  radius  of  6  or  8  miles,  $2,500,000 
of  business  a  year  in  contrast  to  the  $2,000,000  of  business  done 
by  the  steam  laundries  of  the  same  area.  There  are  no  oflBcial 
statistics  to  corroborate  or  disprove  this  estimate.  Certainly 
the  convenience  of  the  Chinese  laundries  brings  them  trade, 
and  the  public,  indifferent  or  lacking  knowledge  of  conditions, 
is  willing  to  put  up  with  the  less  sanitary  methods.  Wherever 
labor  comes  into  competition  with  workers  of  a  lower  grade  it 
is  dragged  down.  In  this  case  the  white  labor,  backed  by 
machinery  and  the  economy  of  larger  units,  which  are  rapidly 
becoming  well  organized,  has  been  able  to  hold  its  own. 

According  to  the  statement  of  the  laundrymen,  another  ele- 
ment of  competition  for  the  solvent  laundry  are  the  small  con- 
cerns that  spring  up  on  a  capital  of  a  few  hundred  dollars,  pay 
something  down  on  machinery,  get  their  supplies  on  credit, 
cut  prices,  run  a  while  and  then  die  out.  There  certainly  are 
many  small  steam  laundries.  In  1909  the  average  number  of 
employees  to  a  laundry,  both  men  and  women,  was  21.  The 
largest  laundry  that  reported  had  168  women  employees. 

Steam  laundries  may  be  classed  under  three  heads:  the  cus- 
tom houses,  which  lay  most  emphasis  on  starch  work,  but  also 
do  flat  work  for  hotels;  the  mangle  establishments,  some  of 
which  rent  towels,  coats  and  aprons  to  their  customers;  and 
the  wet-wash  places,  which  return  the  clothes  washed  but  still 
somewhat  damp.  This  classification  is  not  clear  cut.  For 
example,  the  custom  houses  often  have  some  supply  trade.  In 
addition  to  the  Chinese  laundries  there  are  hand  laundries 
which  iron  without  machinery  clothes  washed  for  them  in  bulk 


144  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

by  the  motor  establishments.  Each  has  only  one  or  two  em- 
ployees. 

There  is  a  great  variation  in  the  building  and  equipment  of 
different  laundries.  The  new  buildings  have  Hght  on  all  sides, 
high  walls,  steel  ceilings,  ventilating  systems,  drained  floor, 
rest  and  dining  rooms.  The  introduction  of  recent  improve- 
ments in  machinery  have  considerably  lightened  the  work.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  are  still  dark  basement  establishments 
reeking  with  the  vapor  and  odor  of  the  wash  room,  with  insuffi- 
ciently drained  floors,  crowded  by  partially  guarded  machinery. 

The  emphasis  of  most  investigations  on  laundries  has  been 
laid  on  the  irregularity  of  hours,  or  on  the  dangerousness  or 
the  unhealthfulness  of  the  occupation.  The  hours  in  Massa- 
chusetts are  regulated  by  law,  and  the  workingmen^s  compensa- 
tion act  will  soon  be  in  force.  The  unhealthfulness  of  the  trade, 
however,  has  a  vital  connection  with  wages.  The  workers' 
earnings  should  enable  them  to  live  well  enough  to  preserve 
their  health  and  strength  at  a  normal  point,  or  they  should  be 
sufficient  to  compensate  for  time  lost  because  of  illness  due  to 
the  occupation,  and  to  allow  them  to  save  against  the  day  when 
they  may  well  be  broken  down. 

Although  there  was  not  time  to  investigate  the  effect  of 
laundry  work  upon  health,  the  federal  government  has  just  pub- 
lished a  special  report.^  It  describes  the  work  by  occupations, 
and  shows  why  it  is  hard  and  heavy.  It  gives  the  opinion  of  a 
physician  of  experience  with  laundry  workers,  as  to  its  effect 
upon  health,  and  the  statements  of  the  workers  themselves 
upon  the  latter  points,  as  taken  by  a  physician  in  a  personal 
interview.  The  opinion  of  the  physician  and  the  summarized 
results  of  the  investigation  are  quoted  after  a  brief  description 
of  the  occupations. 

The  principal  occupations  in  a  laundry  are  marking,  sorting, 
shaking,  mangling,  starching,  ironing,  assembling  and  wrapping. 

Marking,  sorting,  assembling  and  wrapping  are  light  work, 
performed  standing.  They  are  important  work,  for  the  cus^ 
tomer's  satisfaction  depends  on  the  accuracy  with  which  they 
are  done.  This  work  must  be  turned  off  rapidly,  or  the  organ- 
ization will  be  thrown  out  of  gear. 

>  Report  on  Conditions  of  Women  and  Child  Wage-Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol. 
XII.,  Employment  of  Women  in  Laundries. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  145 

Shaking  and  mangling  are  unskilled  work.  Shaking  requires 
the  lowest  order  of  skill.  When  the  wet  pieces  come  out  of  the 
extractor  in  a  tangled  mass,  the  shaker  picks  them  up  one  by 
one,  snaps  them  and  puts  them  in  neat  piles.  It  involves  a 
steady  use  of  the  arms,  and  more  or  less  stooping  and  reaching, 
so  that  all  day  the  muscles  are  under  a  constant  strain,  in 
rooms  where  the  temperature  is  high  and  the  air  full  of  moisture. 
The  mangle  hands  feed  the  pieces  into  the  machine,  and  fold 
them  after  they  come  through.  Feeding  is  dangerous  work, 
unless  the  mangles  are  so  protected  that  fingers  cannot  be 
crushed.  The  girl's  carelessness  is  not  an  adequate  cause  for 
accident.  The  monotonous  work,  hour  after  hour,  close  to  the 
rollers,  lessens  her  alertness.  In  addition,  she  must  stand  at 
her  work,  which  is  a  physical  drain.     The  folders  can  sit. 

In  hand  starching  the  women  stretch  out  the  article  on  a 
table  and  rub  in  the  mixture.  The  continued  strain  on  the 
muscles,  in  the  heat  of  the  ironing  rooms  where  the  starchers 
ordinarily  stand,  is  exhausting.  Starching  machinery  is  com- 
ing into  use.  In  the  same  way  an  automatic  device  of  an  end- 
less chain,  equipped  with  hooks,  is  used  in  up-to-date  laundries 
to  carry  the  articles  through  the  drying  room.  The  work  of 
the  woman  who  pulls  out  and  shoves  in  the  drying  racks  by 
hand  is  fatiguing,  particularly  as  the  temperature  in  the  drying 
chamber  is  300°  Fahrenheit. 

There  are  the  hand  and  machine  ironers.  The  few  hand 
ironers  do  fancy  work.  Various  kinds  of  machines  are  used. 
In  the  main,  they  require  the  constant  use  of  a  lever  operated 
always  by  the  same  foot.  Sometimes  the  women  have  wooden 
boxes  to  stand  on  so  that  they  can  step  down  onto  the  lever, 
instead  of  having  to  step  up  onto  it  to  force  it  down  by  their 
weight.  Under  the  best  arrangements  machine  ironing  is  excep- 
tionally exhausting.  The  federal  report  quotes  one  employer, 
who  said  that  the  old  style  machines  without  the  modern  reversi- 
ble lever  "would  tear  a  woman  to  pieces  in  a  few  years  if  con- 
stantly used."  Many  of  them,  however,  are  still  in  use,  for  it 
is  expensive  to  replace  them  with  new  and  costly  machines, 
and  they  do  their  work,  while  the  improved  ones  only  make  an 
ironer  last  longer. 


146  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

Effect  of  Laundry  Work  upon  Health,  from  the  Viewpoint  of  a 
Physician  of  Experience  with  Laundry  Workers.'^ 

"In  the  bleaching  processes  to  which  household  linen  is  sub- 
jected in  the  laundry,  acrid  and  caustic  chemicals  are  employed, 
such  as  chloride  of  lime,  carbonate  of  soda,  etc.  If  handled  in 
a  dry  state  these  cause  intense  itching  and  eczematous  erup- 
tions of  the  skin.  When  vaporized  after  solution,  or  in  gaseous 
form,  they  irritate  the  eyes  and  the  whole  respiratory  tract, 
occasioning  conjunctivitis,  and  giving  rise  to  catarrhal  inflam- 
mation of  the  throat  and  bronchial  tubes. 

"  Hand  ironers,  using  the  old-fashioned  flatirons,  are  peculiarly 
liable  to  synovitis  of  the  extensor  muscles  of  the  right  forearm. 
This  inflammation  impairs  the  motility  of  the  wrist,  and  excites 
pains  of  a  rheumatic  character. 

"  Parsesthesia  of  the  finger  tips  is  a  common  affliction  of  both 
hand  ironers  and  hand  starchers.  Its  symptoms  are  numbness, 
tingling  and  formication  in  the  fingers  which  often  extend  to 
the  arms. 

"Many  hand  ironers  bend  over  their  work  and  press  with 
their  bodies,  at  a  point  just  below  the  ensiform  cartilage,  upon 
the  handle  of  the  flatiron,  as  carpenters  do  sometimes  against 
a  bitstock.  This  is  a  most  pernicious  practice,  and  may  occa- 
sion gastric  ulcer  and  other  diseases  of  the  stomach. 

"The  operators  of  body  ironers  frequently  suffer  from  dis- 
placement of  the  left  kidney  (enteroptosis).  The  trouble  is 
caused  by  constant  use  of  the  foot  lever.  Operators  of  these 
machines  should  wear  abdominal  supporters  as  a  preventive 
measure. 

"A  very  prevalent  deformity  among  washers  and  ironers  is 
flatfoot,  which  results  from  their  continual  standing. 

"Varicosities  of  the  veins  of  the  lower  extremities  are  com- 
mon in  all  occupations  that  necessitate  a  continual  standing 
posture;  hence  washers,  starchers  and  ironers  often  have  dilated 
veins  which  need  the  support  of  elastic  stockings. 

"Though  not  peculiar  to  them,  chlorosis  is  perhaps  the  com- 
monest ailment  of  laundresses.  And  although  the  data  pre- 
sented in  this  series  of  cases  are  not  sufficiently  full  and  definite 
to  afford  the  basis  for  a  positive  differential  diagnosis,  the 

1  Report  on  Condition  of  Women  and  Child  Wage  Earners,  Vol.  XII.,  p.  25. 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


147 


syndrome  of  symptoms  (anaemia,  shortness  of  breath,  debihty, 
etc.)  in  many  instances  justifies  a  provisional  and  tentative 
conjecture  in  favor  of  the  existence  of  this  affection.  The  con- 
dition is  due  chiefly  to  unwholesome  environment." 

Effect  of  Laundry  Work  upon  Health  as  reported  by  Women  Employees.^ 


Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Making  complaint  of  ill  health  due  to  laundry  work,    . 
Making  complaint  of  ill  health  not  chargeable  to  laundry 
work,  but  aggravated  by  laundry  work,      .... 

Complaining  only  of  hard  work 

Making  no  complaint 

Making  complaint  of  ill  health,  but  not  chargeable  to  laundry, 

129 

6 
69 

306 
29 

23.9 

1.1 
12.8 
56.8 

5.4 

Total 

539 

100.0 

»  Report  on  Condition  of  Women  and  Child  Wage  Earners,  Vol.  XII.,  pp.  27,  28. 

In  short,  almost  a  quarter  of  the  employees  complained  of 
the  physical  effects  of  laundry  work,  —  a  large  proportion. 

The  129  who  complained  of  ill  health  gave  further  facts  as 
follows:  — 

Average  age  by  years, 27 . 5 

Average  years  of  experience  in  laundry, 7.2 

Conjugal  conditions,  married. 51 

Conjugal  conditions,  single, 78 

Character  of  occupation,  standing, 97 

Character  of  occupation,  using  foot  lever, 32 


Nature  of  Complaint  of  129  Women? 


Per  Cent. 


1.  Lameness  and  pains  in  back,  legs,  arms  and  chest,  . 

2.  General  debility, 

3.  Swollen  legs,  ankles  and  feet 

4.  Nausea,  irritation  of  lungs 

5.  Abdominal  pains 

6.  Pelvic  troubles  and  alleged  displacement, 

7.  Alleged  kidney  trouble 

8.  Accidents, 

9.  Ill  health  due  to  grossly  unsanitary  conditions  in  laundry, 


Total, 


»  Report  on  Condition  of  Women  and  Child  Wage  Earners,  Vol.  XII.,  p.  30. 
«  Including  13  complaining  of  rheumatism,  8  of  varicose  veins,  2  of  headache  (daily)  and 
2  of  general  poor  health. 


148  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

The  investigation  was  made  by  a  physician.  She  inter- 
viewed women  employed  in  all  classes  of  laundries  in  five  cities. 
The  symptomatic  diagnoses  are  given  in  detail  in  the  report. 

Wet-wash  Laundries. 
No  investigation  was  made  of  the  wet-wash  laundries,  as 
they  employ  a  relatively  small  number  of  women.  Leading 
laundry  men  spoke  of  those  in  Boston  as  employing  none. 
These  laundries  wash  largely  for  the  working  man's  family, 
and  for  people  of  moderate  means.  The  common  charge  is 
50  cents  for  the  family  wash.  By  this  means  the  slop  of  wash- 
ing and  the  steam  of  drying  clothes  is  taken  out  of  the  house. 
Ironing,  the  part  of  laundry  work  that  costs,  can  be  done  con- 
veniently at  home.  So  far,  the  laundry  man  has  felt  that  he 
must  heed  the  demand  of  his  patrons,  that  the  clothes  shall  be 
returned  by  Wednesday  or  Thursday.  Consequently  the  wet- 
wash  laundries  crowd  all  their  work  into  the  first  three  or  four 
days  of  the  week,  running  long  hours,  and  the  rest  of  the  week 
the  men  are  idle.  There  is  no  limit  to  a  man's  hours  of  labor 
a  day,  nor  apparently  to  the  demand  upon  him  of  some  of  the 
wet-wash  employers,  therefore  he  is  more  convenient  than  a 
woman.  Here  is  a  clear-cut  example  of  the  value  of  the  law 
protecting  women  who  would  otherwise  compete.  In  the  8 
establishments  reporting,  27.8  per  cent,  of  the  workers,  how- 
ever, are  women.  Those  who  did  not  employ  women  probably 
thought  it  unnecessary  to  answer.  Eight  of  these  27  women 
received  less  than  $5  a  week,  8  from  $5  to  $5.99,  2  from  $6  to 
$6.99  and  9  $8  and  over.  Two  of  the  27  were  minors,  1  of 
whom  received  less  than  $5  and  1  less  than  $6.  These  wages 
were  for  from  three  to  four  days  of  work,  or  from  thirty-three 
to  forty-four  hours  a  week. 


The  Hours  of  Work. 
All  work  is  finished  by  Saturday  night,  so  that  each  Monday 
morning  sees  a  fresh  start.  In  some  laundries  the  markers, 
shakers  and  mangle  hands  come  in  Monday  morning  early, 
while  the  starchers  begin  in  the  middle  of  the  morning,  or  at 
noon,  and  the  collar  and  shirt  machine  girls  and  the  fancy 
ironers  do  not  commence  until  Monday  afternoon  or  Tuesday 


d 


1912]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  149 

morning.     At  the  end  of  the  week  the  ironers  and  sorters  are 
the  last  to  get  through. 

There  is  no  uniformity  of  practice  among  the  laundries.  The 
hours  depend  on  the  method  of  the  management  in  handling 
its  particular  trade.  In  general,  the  hours  are  from  fifty  to 
fifty-six,  varying  in  each  laundry  for  the  different  occupations. 
On  the  long  days  the  hours  are  usually  nine  and  one-half  to 
ten.  In  one,  it  was  reported  that  the  women  worked  an  eleven- 
hour  day  for  four  days,  and  eight  or  nine  hours  one  other  day, 
and  none  on  Saturday.  The  laundry  men  do  not  complain  so 
much  of  the  limitation  of  hours,  as  their  apportionment  through 
the  week.  The  hours  in  flat-work  laundries  usually  do  not  vary 
for  the  individual  so  much  as  in  the  custom  establishments. 
The  commercial  laundries,  however,  that  take  rush  trade,  such 
as  is  given  by  steamships,  have  irregular  hours. 

The  pinch  comes  in  the  week  of  a  holiday  when  the  work  has 
to  be  turned  out  either  by  working  part  of  the  holiday  or  late 
evenings. 

Industrial  Organization, 

The  laundry  trade  has  unions  in  Brockton,  Haverhill  and 
Boston.  They  have  been  strengthened  by  the  demand  of  the 
organized  barbers,  bartenders,  butchers  and  others,  that  their 
towels,  coats,  etc.,  should  be  laundered  by  workers  who  receive 
a  union  wage. 

In  Brockton  the  union  was  formed  in  1901.  The  first  better 
condition-  was  a  ten-hour  day,  reduced  from  eleven  hours.  In 
1902  the  first  wage  scale  was  enforced  after  a  strike  of  four 
weeks.  In  1904  a  nine-hour  day  was  adopted.  From  1905-09 
the  same  agreement  was  in  force.  In  1910  the  wages  of  the 
washmen  and  wringermen  were  raised.  In  1911  the  rate  for 
mangle  hands  was  raised  from  $7  to  $8. 

The  following  minimum  wage  scale  is  in  force,  with  a  general 
minimum  of  $6  a  week:  — 

Per  Week. 

Markers  and  distributors, $10  00 

Washmen, 15  00 

Wringermen, .       .  12  00 

Washwomen, 9  00 

Starchers, 9  00 

Starchers'  helper, 6  50 

Hand  ironers, 9  00 


150  MINIMmi  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

Per  Week. 

Bosom  machine  ironers, $9  00 

Neck-band  ironers, 6  50 

Wrist  ironers, 6  00 

Shirt  finishers, 9  00 

Body  ironers, 8  00 

Sleeve  ironers, 6  00 

Tyler  ironers, 10  00 

Collar  ironers,     .       . 7  00 

Collar  shaper, 6  50 

Collar  dampener, 6  50 

Shirt  folders, 6  50 

Starchers  on  hand  ironing  and  rough  dry, 9  00 

Mangle  hands, 8  00 

Helper  in  distributing  room, 6  00 

General  all-around  hands, 9  00 

Shirt  dampeners, 6  00 

Shirt  press  machine  operators, 9  00 

All  overtime  is  paid  for  at  double  the  rate.  In  case  of  neces- 
sity, extra  hands  may  be  hired  at  $1.50  per  day.  One  apprentice 
is  allowed  for  every  20  hands  outside  of  the  wash  room,  appren- 
ticeship to  last  four  weeks. 

The  Haverhill  union  also  enforces  a  nine-hour  day,  and  no 
work  on  holidays.  A  full  week's  pay  is  given  on  holiday  weeks, 
and  the  union  agrees  to  work  overtime  such  weeks,  but  not  in 
excess  of  two  hours  in  one  day.  Overtime  is  paid  at  one  and 
one-half  times  the  rate.  The  minimum  wage  for  all  drivers, 
washers  and  polishers  is  $12  a  week;  for  starch  ironers  and  big 
hand  ironers,  $1.60  per  day,  or  $9.60  a  week.  The  minimum 
for  all  men  outside  of  those  mentioned  is  $10,  and  for  all  women, 
$1.35  a  day  or  $8.10  per  week.  For  inexperienced  help  or 
apprentices  (women)  the  minimum  wage  is  $1.25  per  day  or 
$7.50  per  week  for  a  period  not  exceeding  four  weeks.  No 
woman  may  take  the  place  of  a  man  for  less  wages  than  he 
received.  No  employees  may  be  cut  down  in  wages  nor  may 
their  successors  receive  less  than  they  were  receiving.  Six 
laundries  are  unionized,  one  is  not  and  one  small  concern  runs 
an  open  shop.  From  90  to  100  workers  are  employed  in  the 
union  laundries. 

In  Boston,  for  quite  a  number  of  years,  there  has  been  an 
effort  to  unionize  the  workers.     It  has  proved  discouraging. 


1912.] 


HOUSE— jNo.  1697. 


151 


In  a  smaller  city,  where  the  numbers  are  fewer,  it  is  more  sim- 
ple. The  minimum  wage  for  women  in  the  union  laundries  is, 
so  far  as  could  be  learned,  $6  a  week,  and  includes  the  shakers, 
manglers,  folders  and  dry-room  girls.  For  coat  folders  it  is 
$7,  for  dampening  machine  women  and  ironers,  S8. 


Section  2.    The  Worker  in  the  Laundry  Trade. 

Sex. 
Steam  Laundry  Employees  by  Sex.^ 


All  Ages. 

Under  16  Years. 

16  Years  and  Over. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number.    Per  Cent. 

Male,          ... 
Female,      . 

1,926 
4.249 

31.2 
68.8 

25 
56 

30.9 
69.1 

1,901 
4,193 

31.2 
68.8 

Total,           .        . 

6,175 

100.0 

81 

100.0 

6,094 

100.0 

»  United  States  Census  of  Manufacturers,  1909,  advanced  figures. 

The  women  largely  outnumber  the  men,  who  are  chiefly 
employed  in  the  wash  room,  ironing  with  heavy  irons,  and  in 
the  wet-wash  establishments. 

Ages, 

The  Steam  Laundry  Women  Employees  by  Age. 


In  Laundries  in- 
vestigated. 

Age  by  Years. 

By  the  1905  Census 
OF  Occupations.  ^ 

Age  bt  Years. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Under  16,  . 
16  and  17,  . 
18  to  20,      . 
21  to  24,      . 
25  and  over. 

31 
99 
183 
192 
472 

3.2 
10.1 
18.7 
19.7 
48.3 

Under  16, 
16  to  24,     . 
25  to  44,    . 
45  to  64,     . 
65  and  over. 
Total,  . 

99 

1,506 

1.562 

325 

22 

2.8 
42.9 
44.5 

9.2 
.6 

Total,  . 

977 

100.0 

3.514 

100.0 

Census  of 

Massachuse 

tts,  1905,  Vol.  II.,  p.  30. 

There  are  few  girls  under  sixteen  years.  Even  the  unskilled 
work  of  shaking  requires  considerable  physical  endurance. 
Moreover,  it  does  not  hold  the  girls,  for  they  look  down  on  it 
as  too  simple,  too  unattractive  and  too  monotonous.  The 
majority  of  the  young  girls  are  found  sorting  or  tying  up  bun- 


152 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


dies.  There  are  a  considerable  number  of  old,  broken-down 
women  employed.  Ironers,  worn  out  by  the  hard  work  and 
the  pace,  fall  back  into  the  ranks  of  the  mangle  hands  and 
shakers.  Of  the  women,  48.3  per  cent,  are  twenty-five  years 
and  over;  in  the  stores,  32.4  per  cent.,  and  in  the  candy  fac- 
tories, 13  per  cent.  The  large  proportion  of  older  women  is 
due  to  the  married  women,  who  were  forced,  by  need,  into  the 
wage-earning  ranks,  and  to  the  widows  who  take  up  this  work 
when  they  are  thrown  on  their  own  resources.  There  is  a  fair 
demand  for  experienced  ironers,  and  most  mothers  of  the  labor- 
ing class  have  served  a  long  apprenticeship  at  home.  When 
necessity  demands  they  turn  this  experience  to  account  by 
entering  a  laundry,  which  is  often  conveniently  at  hand. 

Of  the  laundry  workers,  40.9  per  cent,  were  foreign  born; 
36.9  the  native-born  daughters  of  foreign-born  parents  and  22.2 
per  cent,  were  native  born,  of  native-born  parents.  Among 
the  laundry  workers  were  more  foreigners  and  fewer  native- 
born  daughters  with  foreign  parents  than  in  either  of  the  two 
other  trades.  Laundries  attract  cheap  foreign  labor  to  the 
unskilled  part  of  their  work,  especially  in  the  mangle  establish- 
ments, and  they  attract  the  skilled  native  to  their  higher  grade 
work. 


Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Laundry  Workers  who  were  Native  and  Foreign 

Born. 

By  this  Investigation. 

1         By  THE  1905  Census  op 
1                  Occupations,  i 

FIRST 
GENERATION. 

SECOND 
GENERATION. 

FIRST 
GENERATION. 

SECOND 
GENERATION. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Native  born, 
Foreign  born,      . 

636 
438 

59.1 
40.9 

239 
835 

22.2 

77.8 

2,122 
1,392 

60.4 
39.6 

833 
2,681 

23.7 
76.3 

Total,  . 

1,074 

100.0 

1,074 

100.0 

3,514 

100.0 

3,514 

x«,.«.:( 

1  Census  of  Massachusetts,  1905,  Vol.  II.,  p. 


The  great  bulk  of  the  laundry  workers  were  American  girls 
with  Irish  parents,  or  with  native-born  parents.  There  was  a 
strong  showing  of  foreign-born  Irish  and  Canadians.  The  Irish- 
Americans  were  68.8  per  cent,  of  all  the  first  generation  Ameri- 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


153 


cans,  and  the  Irish  were  27.4  per  cent,  of  the  foreigners.  Both 
together  made  36.4  per  cent,  of  all  the  workers.  The  natives 
of  native  parents  were  22.2  per  cent,  of  all.  The  Canadians 
were  33.6  per  cent,  of  the  foreign  born,  and  with  the  addition  of 
a  fair  number  of  Canadian- Americans  formed  18  per  cent,  of 
the  whole  number  of  laundry  hands.  Again,  as  in  the  stores, 
there  were  about  one-quarter  as  many  of  the  French-Canadians 
as  of  their  English  compatriots. 

The  Italians  of  both  classes  were  7.8  per  cent,  of  all;  the 
EngHsh  of  both  classes,  4.5  per  cent.;  and  the  Poles,  2.3  per 
cent.  The  remaining  15.8  per  cent,  were  scattered  among  12 
races  in  the  first  or  second  generation. 

Nationality  of  Parents  of  American-horn  Women  Workers  investigated 
in  Laundries,  exclusive  of  those  with  American  Parents. 


Number  of  Women  op 
Parentage  — 

Per  Cent,  of  Women  of 
Parentage  — 

Age. 

1 

a 
1 

6 

d 

3 

1 

^ 

2 

i 

c3 

i 
1 

o 

Under  18, 

18  to  20 

21  and  over,     . 

34 
55 

182 
271 

8 
14 
29 

8 
4 
19 
31 

4 
3 
2 

10 

4 
18 

64 

80 

250 

53.1 

68.8 
72.8 

12.5 
17.5 
11.6 

12.5 
5.0 
7.6 

6.3 
3.7 

.8 

15.6 
5.0 

7.2 
8.1 

100 
100 
100 

Total, 

51 

9 

32 

394 

68.8 

12.9 

7.9 

2.3 

100 

Nativity  of  Foreign-horn  Women  Workers  investigated  in 

Laundries. 

Number  op  Women. 

Per  Cent,  of  Women. 

< 

< 

Age. 

ji 

fe 

d 

03 

^ 

e 

4 

N) 

.^ 

6 

1 

^• 

't 

.3 

o 

3 

- 

s 

d 

d 

^ 

< 

^ 

s 

6 

W 

1 

^ 

^ 

Under  18, 

4 

6 

2 

14 

5 

31 

12.9 

19.3 

6.5 

45.2 

16.1 

100 

18  to  20 

5 

24 

- 

21 

13 

63 

7.9 

38.1 

- 

33.3 

20.7 

100 

21  and  over,    . 

111 
120 

117 
147 

15 

17 

41 
76 

60 

78 

344 
438 

32.3 

34.0 

4.4 

11.9 

17.4 

100 

Total, 

27.4 

1 

33.6 

3.9 

17.3 

17.8 

100 

154 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[J 


an. 


Conjugal  Condition. 
Conjugal  Condition  of  Women  emploijed  in  Steam  Laundries.'^ 


Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Single  and  unknown, 

Married 

Widowed  and  divorced,  .         ,         .    • 

2,470 
589 
455 

70.3 
16.8 
12.9 

Total, 

3,514 

100  0 

1  Census  of  Massachusetts,  1905,  Vol.  II.,  p.  30. 

Number  of  Married  Women  among  those  who  reported  on  their  Con- 
jugal State  investigated  in  Laundries. 


Living  at 

Home,  a 

Male  Wage 

Earner  in 

THE  Family. 

Living  at 

Home,  no 

Male  Wage 

Earner  in 

THE  Family. 

Adrift. 

Total. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Wives, 
Widows,      . 

115 

38 

17.6 
5.8 

4 
21 

3.5 
18.1 

21 

29 

10.2 
14.2 

140 

88 

14.3 
9.1 

All  married  women, 

153 

23.4 

25 

21.6 

50 

24.4 

228 

23.4 

The  1905  Census  showed  that  16.8  per  cent,  were  women  with 
husbands,  and  12.9  per  cent,  were  widowed  or  divorced;  29.7 
per  cent,  were  married  women.  In  the  stores  13.2  per  cent, 
were  married,  in  the  candy  factories,  6.3  per  cent.  In  short, 
the  difference  between  the  personnel  of  the  majority  of  the 
workers  in  these  three  industries  is  clearly  marked.  The  candy 
workers  are  mostly  nimble-fingered  Italian  girls;  the  store 
employees,  from  young  women  up  to  those  of  mature  years, 
brought  up  to  American  standards  of  living;  the  laundry  hands, 
older  women,  frequently  married,  but  cast  back  into  industry;^! 
and  green  foreigners  wilHng  to  do  crude  work.  W 

The  investigation  gave  23.4  per  cent,  married  women  among 
the  laundry  workers  of  the  women  living  at  home,  with  or 
without  a  male  wage  earner  in  the  family,  and  of  those  adrift 
about  the  same  percentage  were  married.  Laundry  work  is 
not  so  exciting  or  pleasing  as  store  work,  and  it  is  fair  to  sup- 
pose that  the  115  wives  who  lived  with  their  husbands  went 
into  it  from  no  lighter  motive  than  necessity. 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


155 


Section  3.    Earnings  in  the  Laundries. 
Flat  Rates  and  Piece  Rates. 

Numbers  working  for  Flat  Rates  and  Piece  Rates. 


Flat. 

Piece. 

Locality. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Boston  and  Cambridge,     . 

Other  large  cities 

Suburban  Boston 

717 

278 
138 

95.5 

72.4 
74.2 

34 
106 

48 

4.5 
27.6 
25.8 

Total 

1,133 

85.8 

188 

14.2 

Of  the  Boston  workers,  4.5  per  cent,  were  on  piece  rates,  of 
those  in  other  places,  "27  per  cent.  The  large  majority  worked 
for  flat  rates.  There  is,  however,  a  strong  tendency  to  pay  the 
laundry  worker  only  for  the  hours  during  which  she  is  employed. 
This  may  seem  just,  but  the  hours  left  have  no  cash  value.  It 
simply  means  a  lowered  earning  power  for  her,  and  for  the 
employer  a  paring  down  of  the  labor  cost  at  the  expense  of 
labor.  For  example,  several  years  ago  time  clocks  were  put 
in  the  laundries  of  one  city.  The  workers  are  now  paid  for  the 
hours  employed,  and  no  longer  by  the  weekly  rate.  If  one 
department  is  ahead  in  the  work  its  hands  are  told  to  ring  in 
their  time  and  go  home  for  the  rest  of  the  day.  It  may  mean 
only  an  hour  or  a  half  hour,  but  if  this  occurs  often  a  half-day's 
pay  is  lost,  and  the  short  periods  of  time  have  counted  for 
nothing.  A  number  of  the  workers  spoke  of  the  hardship 
caused,  by  the  installment  of  the  time  clocks,  which  has  resulted 
in  irregularity  and  decrease  of  earnings,  while  at  the  same  time 
the  cost  of  living  has  increased. 

Overtime. 
The  laundries,  on  the  whole,  run  about  as  close  as  they  can 
to  the  legal  limit  of  fifty-six  hours  a  week  and  ten  hours  a  day, 
so  that  there  is  not  much  opportunity  for  overtime.  Holiday 
weeks  are  the  great  exceptions.  Still,  almost  all  places  occa- 
sionally work  a  few  hours  extra,  and  one  or  two  places  reported 
an  hour  to  an  hour  and  a  half  extra  rather  frequently.  The 
majority  of  the  overtime,  except  a  part  of  that  due  to  the  holi- 


156  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

days,  was  paid  for  at  the  regular  rate.  In  one  large  laundry 
the  women  reported  that  there  was  much  unpaid  overtime. 
The  union  laundries  paid  double  or  once  and  a  half  for  over- 
time. 

Fines. 

Very  few  laundries  fine  their  workers.  One  fined  for  lateness 
according  to  wages,  but  in  excess  of  the  time  lost.  If  the 
worker  earned  $1  a  day  she  lost  5  cents  for  each  five  minutes. 
In  a  second,  fifteen  minutes  was  taken  from  the  pay  for  every 
minute  lost  by  tardiness.  A  third  fined  one  hour  for  any  late- 
ness, and  also  25  cents  for  failure  to  ring  in.  .  A  fourth  deducted 
when  tardy  for  one  hour  or  over  at  the  hour  rate.  A  fifth 
docked  a  woman  staying  out  on  Saturday  a  whole  day's  pay. 
Of  the  three  Boston  laundries  which  imposed  a  fine,  one  charged 
5  cents  for  lateness  when  persistent,  one  docked  for  every  fifteen 
minutes'  tardiness  in  proportion  to  the  time  lost,  and  the  third 
docked  a  whole  day's  pay  when  a  girl  who  was  due  to  come  in 
Monday  noon  did  not  report  until  Tuesday  morning.  If  the 
girl  had  a  good  record,  however,  she  lost  only  her  half-day's 
pay.  ^1 

Bonuses. 

There  are  practically  no  bonuses,  although  a  very  few  laun- 
dries reported  that  the  employees'  clothing  was  washed  at  half 
price,  and  in  one  case  for  10  or  fifteen  cents,  with  the  privilege 
of  ironing  it  at  noon  or  when  the  work  was  done  Saturday.  Many 
laundries  furnish  tea  and  coffee  free  during  the  morning  and 
afternoon.     The  women  turn  out  more  work  with  this  stimulant. 

Variation  in  Weekly  Earnings. 
Fourteen  per  cent,  of  the  women  work  for  piece  rates,  which 
means  a  variation  in  the  weekly  earnings.  The  women  who 
work  for  a  flat  rate  in  laundries  cannot  count  on  receiving  that 
amount  intact.  The  workers  in  many  laundries  are  paid  for 
just  the  hours  worked.  There  is  something,  but  not  much, 
lost  by  fines  or  gained  by  overtime.  Holidays  do  not  usually 
cut  into  the  weeks  pay.  The  work  in  a  laundry  is  heavy,  and 
as  will  be  shown  in  the  section  on  irregularity  of  employment 
the  women  feel  the  physical  need  of  time  off  now  and  then  to 
recuperate  their  strength.     During  the  period  of  menstruation 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


157 


it  is  wearisome  and  harmful  to  hop  on  the  stiff  treadle  of  a 
heavy  roll  36,000  times  a  day;  it  is  fatiguing  to  lift  damp 
clothes  to  the  height  of  the  shoulders,  and  give  them  a  vigorous 
snap  hour  after  hour;  or  even  to  stand  all  day  ironing.  The 
insecurely  guarded  mangle  is  more  dangerous  to  the  women 
in  this  condition. 

As  in  the  other  two  industries  the  only  adequate  idea  of  what 
an  average  woman  can  earn  is  to  be  found  in  the  pay  roll. 
The  flat  rate  of  wages  is  misleading  because  the  great  mass  of 
women,  although  anxious  to  earn  all  that  their  strength  and 
mediocre  ability  will  permit,  do  not  reach  the  maximum  possi- 
bility, both  because  it  is  not  in  them  to  do  so,  and  because  the 
laundries  do  not  always  give  them  the  continuous  work. 

Average  Weekly  Earnings.^ 
The  average  weekly  earnings  for  the  1,635  laundry  women 
who  were  reported  on  was  S6.52.  The  candy  worker's  average 
was  $5.40.  The  average  for  the  retail  stores  was  not  taken. 
Of  the  adults  in  laundries,  16  per  cent,  earned  less  than  $5  a 
week,  24.7  per  cent,  earned  from  $5  to  $5.99,  19.4  per  cent, 
from  $6  to  $6.99,  and  39.9  per  cent,  earned  $7  or  more.  These 
figures  show  only  the  extent  of  the  need  of  State  assistance. 
Seventeen  and  seven-tenths  per  cent,  of  the  adult  candy  work- 
ers earned  $7  or  more,  while  52.1  per  cent,  of  the  store  women 
received  these  wages. 


Cumulative  Number  and  Per  Cent,  of  Women  Wage  Earners  investi- 
gated in  Laundries,  classified  by  Earnings  and  Ages. 

Number. 


Age  Br  Years. 

Number. 

Under 
$4. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Under  18,     . 
18  and  over, 
AU  ages. 

130 

847 
977 

22 
23 
45 

76 
136 
212 

116 
345 
461 

126 
509 
635 

130 
636 

766 

211 
211 

Per  Cent. 

Under  18,     . 
18  and  over, 
All,       . 

- 

16.9 
2.7 
4.6 

58.4 
16.0 
21.7 

89.2 
40.7 
47.2 

96.9 
60.1 
65.0 

100.0 
75.1 
78.4 

24.9 
21.6 

1  See  Appendix,' table.'p.  313. 


158  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 


Annual  Earnings} 

The  average  annual  earnings  of  the  539  women  who  were 
employed  throughout  the  year  in  one  laundry  were  $387.12,  or 
an  average  of  S7.44  for  each  of  the  fifty-two  weeks.  A  certain 
amount  of  time  was  lost  because  there  was  no  work  to  be  done 
and  because  of  sickness  and  personal  reasons  which  include 
time  for  vacation  or  for  recuperation.  The  average  earnings 
for  the  539  women  for  the  weeks  during  which  they  worked 
were  $7.62.  Eighteen  cents  a  week,  then,  was  lost  by  absence 
during  the  weeks  when  they  did  not  work  at  all.  In  the  more 
poorly  paid  candy  industry  the  loss  was  64  cents,  which  shows 
the  far  greater  uncertainty  of  work  in  the  latter  trade.  The 
average  weekly  earnings  of  the  1,042  women  who  were  employed 
by  the  given  laundry  for  only  a  part  of  the  year  were  S5.90, 
or  $1.28  a  week  less  than  the  more  permanent  class  of  workers 
received.  This  is  even  a  greater  difference  than  the  95  cents 
in  the  candy  industry.  The  cheap  end  of  these  two  trades 
drift  here  and  there,  and  the  more  they  drift  the  less  capable 
they  are  of  doing  better-paid  work. 

No  attempt  w^as  made  to  compute  hourly  earnings.     Tha-j 
result  did  not  seem  commensurate  with  the  labor  involved>3 
because   there   were   such   constant   though   small   variations 
between  workers  at  different  occupations  in  the  same  laundry, 
and  for  the  same  worker  from  week  to  week. 

Earnings  and  Experience}' 

Earnings  and  experience  show  a  more  clear-cut  relation  in 
this  trade  than  in  the  candy  factories.  The  median  earnings 
groups  mount  faster  and  higher.  They  reach  $8  to  $8.99 
after  seven  years  of  experience,  and  $9  to  $9.99  after  fifteen™ 
years.  In  the  candy  factories  the  maximum  of  $7.50  to  $7.99 
is  gained  after  nine  years  of  experience. 

The  median-wage  group  for  beginners  of  less  than  a  year's 
experience  is  $5  to  $5.49.  The  candy  worker  reaches  this  point 
only  after  three  years'  experience,  and  the  store  employees  dur- 
ing their  first  or  second  year. 

*  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  313.  2  gee  Appendix,  table,  p.  314. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  159 


Earnings  and  Occupations.^ 

The  two  best-paid  occupations  are  the  fancy  ironers  and  the 
markers  and  sorters;  49.4  per  cent,  of  the  former  and  40.2  per 
cent,  of  the  latter  earned  $8  or  more.  Fancy  ironing  takes 
skill,  and  marking  and  sorting  requires  speed  and  a  clear  head, 
for  the  property  of  the  different  customers  must  not  be  con- 
fused. Some  of  the  markers  and  sorters  get  low  pay,  but  almost 
all  of  the  fancy  ironers  get  $6  or  more.  Of  the  starchers,  box- 
ers and  packers,  plain  ironers  and  inspectors,  at  least  one-fifth 
received  $8  or  more. 

The  shakers  and  mangle  hands  are  unskilled  and  the  lowest 
paid.  No  shaker,  or  shaker  and  folder,  received  $7,  and  of  the 
latter  only  6.4  per  cent,  received  between  $6  and  $6.99.  The 
dryers  and  feeders  were  a  little  better  paid,  but  none  received 
$8,  and  only  14.2  per  cent,  over  $7.  The  large  majority  of  the 
folders,  feeders  and  folders,  and  manglers  earned  less  than  S6. 
In  Brockton  and  Haverhill  the  union  minimum  rate  is  $8  for 
all  mangle  hands.  The  secretary  of  the  Brockton  union  said 
that  he  never  knew  any  one  to  receive  more  than  the  minimum 
for  this  kind  of  work.    The  union  rate  in  Boston  is  S6. 

Over  half  of  the  dampeners,  starchers  and  inspectors  had  less 
than  $6. 

Earnings  and  Age^ 
Median  Earnings  by  Age. 

Under  15  years, $4  00  to  $4  99 

16  and  17  years, 4  50  to   4  99 

18  to  20  years, 5  50  to    5  99' 

21  to  24  years, 6  00  to   6  49 

25  years  and  over, 7  00  to   7  49 

Earnings  with  the  laundry  workers  rise  in  a  steady  although 
slight  crescendo  with  age.  There  is  not  as  marked  an  advance, 
when  the  girls  become  adults,  as  occurs  among  the  store  workers. 

Earnings  by  Living  Conditions.^ 
Of  the  321   self-dependent  women,  147,  or  46.8  per  cent., 
earned  under  16.     Of  the  women  included  in  these  who  belonged 
to  broken  families,  59,  or  50.9  per  cent.,  earned  the  same,  and 

1  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  315.  »  See  Appendix,  table,  pp.  308-312. 

«  See  Appendix,  table,  p.  308. 


160 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


of  those  adrift,  88,  or  42.9  per  cent.  Of  the  normal  famiUes 
315,  or  48  per  cent.,  earned  under  $6.  The  low-paid  workers 
were  evenly  distributed  among  the  two  classes. 

Earnings  by  Laundries  and  by  Localities. 

The  same  discrepancy  exists  between  the  wage  scales  in 
different  laundries  that  showed  so  clearly  in  factories  and  stores. 
In  making  comparisons,  the  locality,  size,  kind  of  laundry, 
commercial  or  custom,  and  prices  charged  were  all  taken  into 
consideration.  There  was  just  as  great  a  variation  between 
those  laundries  which  were  most  nearly  similar  as  between 
those  which  were  most  unlike. 

The  following  scales  of  earnings  were  taken  from  the  pay 
rolls  of  the  laundries.  In  the  Appendix^  are  shown  the  wage 
levels  as  given  by  the  employers  of  large  and  small  laundries 
in  Boston  and  Cambridge,  suburban  Boston,  and  other  large 
cities  and  small  towns. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Women  Wage  Earners  employed 
in  Several  Boston  and  Cambridge  Laundries  investigated,  which 
employed  over  20  Workers."^ 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  Women  with       | 

Per  Cent. 

Laundries 

Age. 

Average 

Weekly  Earnings  of  - 

- 

of  All 
Women 

employed 
in  Each 

Laundry. 

INVESTI- 
GATED. 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

$4. 

$5. 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

1. 

Under  18,       . 

50.0 

50.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

1.1 

2, 

Under  18,       . 

20.0 

60.0 

80.0 

80.0 

100.0 

- 

4.7 

3, 

Under  18,       . 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

3.2 

4, 

Under  18,       . 

- 

44.4 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

10.9 

5, 

Under  18,       . 

25.0 

83.4 

91.9 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

14.6 

6, 

Under  18,       . 

- 

- 

75.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

5.4 

7, 

Under  18,       . 

- 

90.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

23.8 

8. 

Under  18,       . 

60.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

12.2 

9, 

Under  18,       . 

_ 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

3.2 

10. 

Under  18,       . 

50.0 

50.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

9.1 

11, 

Under  18,       , 

25.0 

50.0 

50.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

33.3 

12, 

Under  18,       . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

13, 

Under  18,       . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

1, 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

8.2 

34.4 

47.6 

59.0 

41.0 

36.3 

2, 

18  and  over,  . 

- 

11.3 

43.2 

56.9 

72.8 

27.2 

41.5 

3, 

18  and  over,  . 

1.4 

39.2 

81.1 

94.2 

97.1 

2.9 

73.4 

4, 

18  and  over,  . 

3.6 

20.0 

50.9 

60.0 

89.1 

10.9 

67.1 

5. 

18  and  over,  . 

9.1 

28.8 

43.9 

54.6 

45.4 

80.5 

6. 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

2.7 

43.3 

78.4 

91.9 

8.1 

50.7 

7, 

18  and  over,  . 

11.5 

57.8 

73.1 

80.9 

84.7 

15.3 

15.3 

8, 

18  and  over,  . 

31.6 

47.3 

84.3 

94.8 

94.8 

5.2 

46.4 

9, 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

10.7 

53.6 

75.0 

92.9 

7.1 

90.4 

10, 

18  and  over,  . 

15.7 

63.2 

84.2 

89.5 

89.5 

10.5 

86.4 

'11, 

18  and  over,  . 

12.5 

25.0 

62.5 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

66.7 

12, 

18  and  over,  . 

- 

13, 

18  and  over,  . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

~ 

1  Tables,  pp.  316-317. 

'  The  wages  were  taken  for  all  the  women  workers,  but  not  the  ages,  so  that  the  two  sec- 
tions of  the  women  "under  18"  and  "18  and  over"  are  incomplete. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


161 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Womsn  Wage  Earners  employed 
in  Several  Boston  and  Cambridge  Laundries  investigated,  which 
employed  over  20  Workers  ^  —  Concluded. 


CuMtH^ATivE  Per  Cent,  of  Women  with      I 

Per  Cent. 

Laundries 

Age. 

Average  Weekly  Earnings  of  - 

- 

of  All 
Women 

employed 
in  Each 

Laundry. 

INVBSTI- 
QATBD. 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

$4. 

$5. 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

1,         . 

All  ages, 

2.3 

17.2 

37.4 

51.7 

66.7 

33.3 

100.0 

2,       . 

All  ages, 

6.6 

27.3 

55.6 

66.0 

80.2 

19.8 

100.0 

3,       . 

All  ages. 

2.5 

42.6 

77.7 

91.5 

95.8 

4.2 

100.0 

4,       . 

All  ages, 

2.4 

21.9 

51.2 

58.6 

81.7 

18.3 

100.0 

5,       . 

All  ages. 

3.6 

20.4 

37.8 

53.7 

63.4 

36.6 

100.0 

6,       . 

All  ages. 

1.3 

4.1 

41.2 

69.9 

89.1 

10.9 

100.0 

7,       . 

All  ages. 

7.1 

69.1 

83.4 

88.1 

90.5 

9.5 

100.0 

8,       . 

All  ages. 

29.3 

63.4 

85.4 

90.2 

95.1 

4.9 

100.0 

9,       . 

All  ages, 

9.6 

48.4 

71.0 

93.6 

6.4 

100.0 

10,       .         , 

All  ages. 

18.2 

59.2 

86.4 

90.9 

90.9 

9.1 

100.0 

11,       . 

All  ages. 

16.6 

33.3 

58.3 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

12,       . 

All  ages, 

10.0 

30.0 

35.0 

55.0 

45.0 

100.0 

13,       . 

All  ages. 

7.7 

30.8 

61.5 

61.5 

77.0 

23.0 

100.0 

Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Women  Wage  Earners  employed 
in  Several  Laundries  investigated  in  Large  Cities  other  than  Boston, 
which  employed  over  20  Workers.^ 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  Women  with       | 

Per  Cent. 

Average  Weekly  Earnings  of  - 

— 

of  All 

Laundries 

Age. 

Women 

reporting. 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

employed 
in  Each 
Laundrj'. 

$4. 

$5.    . 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

1,      . 

Under  18,       . 

_ 

_ 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

.9 

2,       . 

Under  18,       . 

- 

33.3 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

4.3 

3,       . 

Under  18,       . 

_ 

57.2 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

10.9 

4,       . 

Under  18,       . 

_ 

16.6 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

10.0 

5,       . 

Undrr  18,       . 

_ 

- 

- 

- 

— 

6,       . 

Under  18,       . 

_ 

50.0 

75.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

22.8 

7,       . 

Under  18,       . 

_ 

37.5 

62.5 

100.0 

- 

24.2 

8,       . 

Under  18,       . 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

6.9 

9!      . 

Under  18,       . 

75.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

13.8 

10,      . 

Under  18,       . 

- 

- 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

4.0 

11, 

Under  18,       . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

12, 

-Under  18,       . 

- 

- 

- 

~ 

- 

- 

- 

1, 

18  and  over,  . 

6.6 

6.6 

26.6 

60.0 

93.4 

6.6 

13.3 

2, 

IS  and  over,  . 

6.2 

6.2 

18.7 

50.0 

50.0 

23.2 

3, 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

9.3 

34.4 

78.2 

93.8 

6.2 

50.0 

4, 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

24.3 

62.2 

78.4 

21.6 

61.7 

5, 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

8.7 

39.1 

73.9 

87.0 

13.0 

57.6 

6. 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

6.2 

62.5 

75.0 

100.0 

- 

45.7 

7, 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

_ 

6.2 

25.0 

68.8 

31.2 

48.5 

8, 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

11.7 

35.3 

64.8 

76.5 

23.5 

58.7 

9, 

18  and  over,  . 

_ 

18.2 

45.4 

54.5 

100.0 

- 

37.9 

10, 

18  and  over,  . 

7.1 

14.2 

42.8 

64.3 

92.9 

7.1 

56.1 

11, 

18  and  over,  . 

11.1 

33.3 

88.9 

88.9 

11.1 

40.9 

12, 

18  and  over,  . 

- 

33.3 

66.7 

66.7 

66.7 

33.3 

75.0 

1, 

All  ages,  -^     . 

8.2 

32.1 

67.8 

90.8 

98.2 

1.8 

100.0 

2, 

All  ages 

4.3 

14.5 

23.2 

38.1 

65.2 

34.8 

100.0 

3, 

All  ages 
All  ages 

1.5 

23.4 

48.4 

84.4 

96.8 

3.2 

100.0 

4, 

6.6 

41.7 

70.0 

86.7 

13.3 

100.0 

5, 

All  ages 

25.0 

32.5 

62.5 

82.5 

92.5 

7.5 

100.0 

6, 

All  ages 
All  ages 

17.1 

65.8 

82.9 

97.2 

2.8 

100.0 

7, 

_ 

12.1 

30.1 

66.7 

33.3 

100.0 

8, 

10.3 

34.5 

58.7 

79.4 

86.2 

13.8 

100.0 

9, 

All  ages 

17.2 

37.9 

48.3 

79.4 

20.6 

100.0 

10, 

All  ages 

4.0 

12.0 

48.0 

68.0 

88.0 

12.0 

100.0 

11, 

4.5 

22.7 

54.6 

81.9 

86.4 

13.6 

100.0 

12, 

All  ages 

50.0 

75.0 

75.0 

75.0 

25.0 

100.0 

»  The  wages  were  taken  for  all  the  women  workers,  but  not  the  ages,  so  that  the  two  seo- 
ions  of  the  women  "under  18"  and  **  18  and  over"  are  incomplete. 


162 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Women  employed  in  Several 
Suburban  Laundries  investigated,  which  employed  over  20  Workers.^ 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of 

Women 

with 

Percent. 

Laundries 

Age. 

Average  Weekly  Earnings  of  - 

of  All 
Women 

employed 
in  Each 

Laundry. 

INVESTI- 
GATED. 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

Under 

$8  and 

. 

$4. 

$5. 

$6. 

$7. 

$8. 

Over. 

1, 

Under  18,       . 

8.3 

58.3 

83.4 

91.7 

100.0 

" 

10.8 

2, 

Under  18,       . 

28.2 

57.2 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

6.5 

3, 

Under  18,       . 

53.8 

84.7 

92.4 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

16.2 

4. 

Under  18,       . 

- 

1, 

18  and  over,  . 

1.2 

7.6 

26.9 

42.3 

56.4 

43.6 

70.3 

2, 

18  and  over,  . 

- 

5.8 

19.1 

30.9 

39.7 

60.3 

63.6 

3, 

18  and  over,  . 

6.2 

22.8 

27.3 

54.2 

45.8 

54.2 

60.0 

4, 

18  and  over,  . 

,       - 

14.3 

28.6 

57.2 

85.7 

14.3 

25.0 

1, 

All  ages, 

1.9 

14.4 

33.3 

50.4 

67.6 

32.4 

100.0 

2, 

All  ages, 

9.3 

21.5 

37.4 

45.8 

52.3 

47.7 

100.0 

3, 

All  ages, 

15.0 

30.0 

41.3 

63.1 

80.0 

20.0 

100.0 

4,         .         . 

All  ages, 

10.7 

25.0 

53.6 

64.4 

71.5 

28.5 

100.0 

1  The  wages  were  taken  for  all  the  women  workers,  but  not  the  ages,  so  that  the  two  sec- 
tions of  the  women  "under  IS"  and  "  18  and  over"  are  incomplete. 


Section  4.    Irregularity    of    Employment    in    Laundry 

Work. 
Regularity  of  employment  is  as  vital  to  the  worker  as  a  liv- 
ing wage.  It  presents  another  problem,  but  yet  one  inextri- 
cably bound  up  with  the  question  of  what  wages  are  necessary 
to  maintain  the  employees  of  any  given  industry.  No  workers 
can  count  on  casual  work  or  a  supplementary  job  to  fill  in  the 
time  lost  by  industrial  causes.  No  worker  can  count  on  less 
than  the  usual  expectancy  of  sickness.  A  woman  who  is  able 
to  make  her  meager  wages  do  because  her  living  expenses  are 
less  through  a  co-operative  family  arrangement  and  her  mother's 
services,  must  expect  to  take  her  turn  in  staying  at  home  to 
care  for  a  sick  member  of  her  family. 


Seasonal  Element. 
The  laundry  trade  is  not  seasonal.  There  is  a  very  slight 
increase  of  work  in  the  summer.  It  would  probably  be  greater 
if  so  many  customers  did  not  go  away  to  the  shore  and  the 
mountains.  The  summer  hotels  run  laundries  for  their  patrons. 
Many  an  enterprising  worker  takes  a  change  by  working  in 
these  hotel  laundries  at  the  summer  resorts. 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


163 


In  the  returns  of  the  laundry  men  there  was  so  Httle  seasonal 
gain  and  loss  that  it  was  not  worth  figuring.  The  following 
table  gives  the  census  of  manufactures  returns  for  1909:  — 

Number  employed  during  Each  Month.^ 


United  States. 

Massachusetts. 

January,     

103,746 

5,671 

February,           

103,937 

5,668 

March 

104,970 

5,677 

April 

106.422 

6.734 

May, 

108,149 

5.839 

June, 

111,313 

6.039 

July, 

114,211 

6.226 

August, 

114,539 

6,136 

September 

113,738 

6,235      ' 

October, 

111,500 

6,113 

November, 

110,479 

6,066 

December, 

110,805 

6,096 

»  United  States  census  of  manufactures,  1 

m,  advanced  6g\ 

ires. 

Shutdowns. 
There  are  no  general  shutdowns  in  laundries  except  those 
caused  by  accident. 

Vacations  and  Holidays. 

No  paid  vacations  were  given  by  the  laundries  except  to  fore- 
women, and  in  one  instance  to  two  or  three  old  hands.  The 
majority  reported  that  the  workers  could  take  off  one  or  two 
weeks  at  their  own  expense.  In  one  laundry  it  was  said  that 
the  forewomen  might  have  unpaid  vacations,  and  that  the  rest 
did  not  take  any.  In  another  vacations  seemed  not  to  be  con- 
sidered. 

Holidays,  contrary  to  the  custom  in  the  candy  trade,  were 
paid  for,  at  least  for  a  half  day,  by  most  of  the  laundries.  Christ- 
mas, the  Fourth  of  July  and  Thanksgiving  are  the  usual  days 
when  no  work  is  done.  Holidays  are  upsetting  to  the  laundry 
routine,  so  that  the  laundries  have  tried  various  plans  to  keep 
the  help  contented  without  interfering  with  getting  the  work 


164  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

out.  If  the  holiday  comes  on  Monday  or  early  in  the  week  it 
is  easier  to  observe  it.  Time  is  made  up  by  working  evenings 
until  7  or  8  o'clock.  The  workers  in  one  place  where  it  was 
put  to  a  vote  chose  to  work  on  the  holidays.  Some  of  the 
laundries  pay  for  the  holiday  and  also  at  regular  rates  for  the 
overtime  work  which  it  causes.  Those  establishments  which 
pay  for  the  holiday,  but  not  for  the  consequent  overtime,  prac- 
tically give  the  worker  only  a  few  hours  free.  Several  laundries 
do  not  pay  for  the  holiday,  but  pay  for  the  overtime.  In  the 
union  laundries  no  pay  is  given  for  the  four  holidays  on  which 
no  work  is  done:  Labor  Day,  Thanksgiving,  Christmas  and  the 
Fourth  of  July.  On  February  22,  April  19,  May  30  and  June 
17  a  full  day's  pay  is  given  for  a  half  day's  work. 

Absence. 
The  large  majority  of  laundries  docked  for  absence  at  the 
regular  rate  per  hour.  The  following  exceptions  were  reported. 
In  one  it  was  said  that  women  were  not  docked  for  leaving, 
with  sufficient  reason,  after  10  a.m.  or  2  p.m.,  and  that  occa- 
sionally they  could  get  an  afternoon  off  without  docking  if  they 
asked  beforehand.  In  another,  girls  who  were  really  sick  were 
not  docked  when  they  went  home  early.  One  girl  in  this 
laundry  was  paid  for  the  whole  week,  although  she  had  lost  a 
half  day.  She  had  done  double  work  while  another  was  absent. 
A  third  girl  lost  three  and  one-half  days  on  account  of  her 
brother's  death  and  was  paid  full  time. 

Loss  of  Time  oj  Individual  Employees  as  shown  by  the  Pay  Rolls. 
The  following  figures  are  only  suggestive,  as  the  cause  of 
unemployment  is  not  reported  for  58.1  per  cent,  of  the  time 
lost.  Some  of  this  may  be  due  to  a  half  day  lost  here  and  there 
through  the  aggregation  of  hours  and  half  hours  nicked  off  in 
the  laundries  which  use  a  time  clock.  Some  may  be  accounted 
for  by  the  need  for  recuperation  a  day  at  a  time.  When  a 
woman  does  heavy  work,  or  when  she  is  speeded  up,  a  certain 
amount  of  rest  is  necessary  to  prevent  her  from  impairing  her 
sole  capital,  —  her  physical  vigor.  The  exceptional  women 
with  peasant  physique,  who  appeared  to  the  investigators  to  be 
rare  in  the  laundries,  may  be  able  to  get  on  without  it,  and 


d 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  165 

maintain  their  health.  Besides  the  day  or  so  of  rest  every 
month  there  should  be  some  vacation  in  the  summer.  The 
humidity,  combined  with  the  heat  in  all  but  the  most  airy 
laundries,  is  very  exhausting  in  the  warm  weather. 

Sickness  at  one  time  or  another  prevented  at  least  12.1  per 
cent,  of  the  workers  from  going  to  work  for  nine  days  on  the 
average.  The  expectation  of  sickness  could  be  worked  out  in 
a  more  intensive  investigation  on  the  plan  of  life  insurance 
companies.  Personal  reasons  were  the  cause  for  absence  with 
37  per  cent.  In  these  cases  the  workers  again  averaged  to 
stay  out  nine  days.  This  time  includes  all  which  they  took 
for  vacation  or  rest.  Only  22.8  per  cent,  of  the  candy  workers 
stayed  out  for  personal  reasons,  but  they  had  enforced  vacations 
during  shutdowns,  and  their  work  was  not  as  exhausting.  The 
amount  of  enforced  idleness  was  exceedingly  small.  Nine,  or 
1.5  per  cent.,  reported  an  average  loss  of  4.3  days.  For  86.5 
per  cent,  of  the  593  women  who  worked  in  the  same  laundry 
throughout  the  year  some  time  off  was  reported.  Of  the  women 
who  earned  less  than  S6,  all  save  5.7  per  cent,  were  absent  more 
or  less.  Of  the  better-paid  workers,  16.2  per  cent,  were  not 
absent.  The  average  number  of  days  unemployed  for  all  work- 
ers was  11.6,  or  nearly  two  weeks. 

The  women  who  had  worked  but  part  of  the  year  for  the 
laundry  where  they  were  employed  at  the  time  of  the  investi- 
gation were  away  from  work  for  much  longer  periods  when 
they  were  absent  at  all,  but  an  even  smaller  proportion  were 
absent.    They  showed  much  less  absence  for  personal  reasons. 


166 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


167 


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168 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


^ 


I 


I 

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v.. 

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1 

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1 

Average 
Per  Cent. 

of  the 
Year  lost 
for  Given 

Reasons. 

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Average 
Amount 
of  Time 

lost 
(Days). 

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Average 
Per  Cent, 
of  Period 
employed 

lost 
for  Given 

Reasons. 

os«o 

14.1 

8.2 
14.6 

11.3 

4.4 
13.7 

11.3 

6.3 
4.5 

Average 
Amount 
of  Time 

lost 
(Days). 

30.6 

19.1 
30.7 

25.4 

12.0 
35.7 

29.8 

12.7 
9.8 

U3 

Average 
Length  of 
Period  of 
Employ- 
ment 

(Weeks). 

oo 
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38.6 
35.8 

37.0 

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1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


169 


Comparison 

of  Unemployment  by  Industries. 

Numbers  in  Each  Industry. 

Cause  for  Unemployment. 

Candy 
Factories. 

Stores. 

Laundries. 

Enforced  idleness:  — 

Percentage  reporting, 

95.2 

5.2 

1.5. 

Average  days  unemployed, 

21.4 

15.8 

4.3 

Sickness:  — 

Percentage  reporting,    . 

15.9 

10.0 

12.1 

Average  days  unemployed, 

8.4 

8.3 

9.1 

Sickness  in  family:  — 

Percentage  reporting,    , 

1.3 

1.8 

1.9 

Average  days  unemployed. 

8.5 

6.0  • 

8.5 

Voluntary  absence:  — 

Percentage  reporting,    . 

22.8 

45.3 

36.8 

Average  days  unemployed. 

8.4 

9.9 

8.9 

All  reasons  combined:  — 

Percentage  reporting,    . 

99.0 

88.9 

86.5 

Average  days  unemployed, 

28.01 

13.01 

11.3 » 

»  This  is  an  average  based  on  all  the  workers,  and  not  merely  on  those  who  reported  absencer. 


The  different  industries  show  a  great  variation  in  the  amount 
of  time  lost  for  industrial  reasons.  It  averaged  21.4  days  for 
95.2  per  cent,  of  the  candy  workers  to  4.3  days  for  1.5  per  cent, 
of  the  laundry  hands.  A  few  more  of  the  candy  workers 
reported  sickness.  The  percentage  who  stayed  at  home  on 
account  of  sickness  in  their  family  was  the  same  for  the  three 
industries.  A  larger  percentage  of  the  storewomen  were  away 
for  personal  reasons,  although  the  laundry  women  were  a  strong 
second.  The  aggregate  amount  of  time  lost  by  each  worker  on 
the  average  was  twice  as  much  in  the  candy  trade  as  in  either 
of  the  other  two. 

Flux  of  Workers  in  Two  Laundries. 
The  flux  of  workers  is  given  for  two  laundries.  Only  7.1  per 
cent,  of  the  workers  of  one,  and  19.6  per  cent,  of  the  workers 
of  another,  were  in  their  service  throughout  the  year.  This  is 
a  terse  commentary  on  the  exhausting  nature  of  the  trade. 
Workers  often  leave  their  positions  because  "they  are  all  tired 
out,"  and  want  "to  try  something  easier."     They  find  it  hard 


170  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

to  establish  themselves  in  a  new  trade,  and  after  a  few  weeks' 
rest  they  often  drift  back.  It  was  not  a  part  of  the  stated  policy 
of  these  laundries  to  take  on  and  discharge  help  any  more  often 
than  was  necessary.  The  employers  claimed  that  the  lack  of 
permanency  in  the  force  interfered  with  the  satisfactory  con- 
duct of  the  laundries.  How  common  is  this  situation  is  not 
known,  but  the  two  laundries  appeared  typical.  Of  all  the 
laundry  workers  who  reported  on  their  trade  history,  36.2  were 
employed  through  the  year  by  one  firm.  This  is  a  higher  per- 
centage than  shown  in  the  two  laundries.  Undoubtedly,  as 
there  is  a  variation  between  establishments  in  the  wage  scale, 
and  in  the  degree  to  which  the  seasonal  tendency  is  counteracted, 
as  shown  in  the  candy  trade,  so  is  there  a  difference  in  the  per- 
manency of  the  members  of  their  force.  The  chief  point  is 
that  apparently  many  of  the  women  cannot  stand  the  work 
steadily.  It  is  a  pertinent  question  whether  they  could  do  so 
if  they  had  sufficient  wages  to  enable  them  to  have  a  higher 
standard  of  living. 

Flitx  of  Workers  in  Laundry  No.  1. 
All  employees  counted  as  (per  cent.), 100.0 

(A)  Employees  who  remained  in  the  laundry  f o   the  entire 

year  (per  cent.), 7.1 

(B)  Employees  who  were  in  the  laundry  a  part  of  the  year 

(percent.), 92.9 

(Bl)  Employees  who  were  in  the  laundry  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  year,  but  who  left  before  the 
end  of  the  year  (per  cent.),        .       .       .       .      15.2 
(B2)  Employees  who  were  in  the  laundry  at  the  end 
of  the  year,  but  not  at  the  beginning  (per 

cent.), 14.2 

(B3)  Employees  who  began  and  left  during  the  year 

(per  cent.), 63.5 

For  the  7.1  per  cent.  (A),  the  annual  workers,  the  average 

period  of  employment  was  48  weeks  and  1  day  H| 

and  the  average  weekly  earnings  were     .       .     $6  65 
For  the  15.2  per  cent.  (Bl)  the  average  period  of  employment 
was  14  weeks  and  1  day,  and  the  average 
earnings  were      ...         ....    $5  41 

60  per  cent,  were  employed  1  to  144  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $4  93 

20  per  cent,  were  employed  14  to  26  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  11 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  171 

10  per  cent,  were  employed  27  to  38  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $5  86 

10  per  cent,  were  employed  39  to  50  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  30 

For  the  14.2  per  cent.  (B2)  the  average  period  of  employment 
was  9  weeks  and  1  day,  and  the  average 

weekly  earnings  were $5  22 

with 

.    $1  50 
with 

.    $5  05 
with 

.    $5  99 
with 

.    $6  02 
with 

.    $5  61 


14.3  per  cent,  were  employed  less  than  one  week, 

average  earnings  of     ...       . 
67.8  per  cent,  were  employed  from  1  to  13  weeks, 

average  weekly  earnings  of 
10.7  per  cent,  were  employed  from  14  to  26  weeks, 

average  weekly  earnings  of 
3.6  per  cent,  were  employed  from  27  to  38  weeks, 

average  weekly  earnings  of 
3.6  per  cent,  were  employed  from  39  to  50  weeks, 

average  weekly  earnings  of 
For  the  63.5  per  cent.  (B3)  the  average  period  of  employment 

was  7  weeks  and  2  days,  and  the  average 

weekly  earnings  were ^.$4  74 

22.4  per  cent,  were  employed  for  less  than  a  week,  with 

average  earnings  of $1  13 

65.6  per  cent,  were  employed  from  1  to  13  week5,  with 

average  weekly  earnings  of  .  .  .  .  $4  61 
9.6  per  cent,  were  employed  from  14  to  26  weeks,  with 

average  weekly  earnings  of  .  .  .  .  $5  42 
.8  per  cent,  were  employed  27  to  38  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  44 

1.6  per  cent,  were  employed  39  to  50  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $5  15 

Flux  of  Workers  in  Laundry  No.  2. 
AH  employees  counted  as  (per  cent), 100.0 

(A)  Employees  who  remained  in  the  laundry  for  entire  year 

(percent.), 19.6 

(B)  Employees  who  were  in  the  laundry  a  part  of  the  year 

(per  cent.), 80.4 

(Bl)  Employees  who  were  in  the  laundry  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  year,  but  who  left  before  the 
end  of  the  year  (per  cent.),        .       .       .       .       18.5 
(B2)  Employees  who  were  in  the  laundry  at  the  end 
of  the  year,  but  not  at  the  beginning   (per 

cent.), 22.7 

(B3)  Employees  who  began  and  left  during  the  year 

(per  cent.), 39.2 

»  Figures  for  women  working  but  a  day  or  two  are  not  included  in  these  averages. 


172  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

For  the  19.6  per  cent.  (A),  the  annual  workers,  the  average 
period  of  employment  was  50  weeks  and  4 
days  and  the  average  weekly  earnings  were  .  $8  57 
For  the  18.5  per  cent.  (Bl)  the  average  period  of  employment 
was  18  weeks  and  1  day,  and  the  average 
weekly  earnings  were $6  96 

55.6  per  cent,  were  employed  1  to  13  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  57 

5.6  per  cent,  were  employed  14  to  26  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $8  90 

16.6  per  cent,  were  employed  27  to  38  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  67 

22.2  per  cent,  were  employed  39  to  50  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $7  73 

For  the  22.7  per  cent.  (B2)  the  average  period  of  employment 
was  14  weeks  and  4  days,  and  the  average 
weekly  earnings  were $6  86 

77.3  per  cent,  were  employed  1  to  13  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  91 

4.5  per  cent,  were  employed  14  to  26  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $7  29 

9.1  per  cent,  were  employed  27  to  38  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  52 

9.1  per  cent,  were  employed  39  to  50  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  45 

For  the  39.2  per  cent.  (B3)  the  average  period  of  employment 

was  8  weeks  and  1  day,  and  the  average 

weekly  earnings  were $5  08 

76.4  per  cent,  were  employed  1  to  13  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $4  51 

18.4  per  cent,  were  employed  14  to  26  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $7  12 

2.6  per  cent,  were  employed  27  to  38  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  58 

2.6  per  cent,  were  employed  39  to  50  weeks,  with  average 

weekly  earnings  of $6  30 

Changes  from  Laundry  to  Laundry  and  from  Trade  to  Trade  and 
the  Workers'  Reasons. 
Of  the  1,045  workers  who  reported  on  their  moves  from  estab- 
lishment to  establishment,  21.9  per  cent,  said  that  they  had 
always  worked  for  one  firm.  About  one-third  of  these  women 
had  worked  less  than  a  year,  another  between  one  and  three 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


173 


years,  inclusive,  and  the  last  third  four  years  and  over.  Thirty- 
one  and  six-tenths  per  cent,  had  changed  but  once,  and  46.5 
per  cent,  anywhere  from  twice  to  9  times. 


Number  of  Changes  from  Laundry  to  Laundry  and  from  Occupation  to 

Occupation. 


1 

1 

a 

£ 

Number  shifting  — 

Years  at  Work. 

"3 

8 
a 

o 

a 

1 

X 

i 

a 

1 

1 

Less  than  1,        .        .        . 

1  to  4 

4  to  10,      . 
10  and  over. 

106 
302 
362 
275 

10.1 

28.9 
34.7 
26.3 

66 
75 
61 
27 

23 
125 
115 

68 

13 
56 
84 
72 

2 

28 
61 
51 

2 
14 
23 
29 

_ 

2 
12 
11 

2 
4 
9 

1 
4 

2 

1 
2 

Total  number  of  workers, 

1.045  |100.0 

229 

331 

225 

142 

68 

25 

15 

5 

2 

3 

The  changes  from  trade  to  trade  were  not  so  numerous;  44.8 
per  cent,  had  begun  and  remained  in  the  laundries,  39.1  per 
cent,  had  been  in  one  trade  previously,  13.3  per  cent,  in  two 
trades,  2.7  per  cent,  in  three  trades,  and  only  2  women  in  four 
trades. 

Number  of  Trades  at  which  the  Workers  were  employed. 


Total 
Number 

of 
Workers 
report- 
ing. 

Number  who  worked  in  — 

Years  at  Work. 

Laun- 
dries 
only. 

One 
Other 
Trade. 

Two 

Other 
Trades. 

Three 
Other 
Trades. 

Four 
Other 
Trades. 

Less  than  1,           .... 

1  to    4 

4  to  10 

10  and  over,         .... 

109 

302 

368 

.        279 

75 
139 
168 

91 

25 
120 
141 
127 

9 
31 
48 
53 

12 
9 

8 

2 

Total 

1,058 

473 

413 

141 

29 

2 

174 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Reasons  why  the  Workers  changed  from 

Place  to  Place. 

Reasons  fob  Leaving. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Slack  work  or  none, 

293 

21.7 

Conditions  of  work  and  work  place, 

88 

6.4 

Ambition  of  the  worker, 

296 

21.8 

Sickness, 

90 

6.7 

Sickness  in  the  worker's  family, 

21 

1.5 

Personal  considerations, 

569 

41.9 

Total 

1,357 

100.0 

Not  reported 

467 

- 

The  reasons  the  laundry  workers  gave  for  leaving  were  very- 
similar  to  those  of  the  candy  workers,  except  that  they  appar- 
ently found  it  less  of  an  advantage  to  move  from  firm  to  firm^ 
and  also  a  proportionally  larger  percentage  changed  for  personal 
considerations. 


Section  5.    The   Economic   Condition   of   the   Laundry 

Workers. 
Living  Conditions. 


Ages  bt  Years. 

Num- 
ber 
re- 
port- 

Living at 
Home,  a 

Male  Wage 
Earner  in 
THE  Family. 

Living  at 
Home,  no 

Male  Wage 
Earner  in 

THE  Family. 

Adrift. 

ing. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Under  16 

31 

29 

4.4 

2 

1.7 

- 

_ 

16  and  17, 

99 

83 

12.6 

13 

11.2 

3 

1.5 

18  to  20,    . 

183 

142 

21.7 

18 

15.5 

23 

11.2 

21  to  24,    . 

192 

133 

20.3 

16 

13.8 

43 

20.9 

25  and  over. 

472 

269 

41.0 

67 

57.8 

136 

66.4 

Total, 

977 

656 

100.0 

116 

100.0 

205 

100.0 

Per  cent  of  total, 

100 

- 

67.1 

- 

11.9 

- 

21.0 

Of  the  977  laundry  workers  33.9  per  cent,  were  under  the 
necessity  of  self-support.  Of  those  who  were  eighteen  years 
old  or  over,  36.1  per  cent,  were  adrift,  or  had  no  male  wage 
earner  Jiving  with  them  to  help  them  out.     In  the  candy  trade 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


175 


there  were  19  per  cent,  of  this  class,  and  in  the  store,  27.9. 
These  larger  numbers  make  only  more  forcible  the  reasons  pre- 
viously given  why,  in  determining  the  scale  of  wages  for  women, 
they  should  be  considered  as  a  unit,  and  not  as  members  of 
a  family. 


Number  of  Laundry  Women  investigated  in  Each  Locality,  classified  by 
Living  Conditions, 

Boston. 

Other  L.vrge 
Cities. 

Small 
Places. 

All. 

Living  Conditions. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 

Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Num- 
ber. 

Per 
Cent. 

Living  at  home,  a  male 

wage  earner  in  the 

family. 
Living   at    home,    no 

male  wage  earner  in 

the  family. 
Adrift, 

364 
83 
137 

62.3 
14.2 
23.5 

179 
19 
52 

71.6 
7.6 
20.8 

174 
23 
49 

70.6 
9.3 
19.9 

717 
125 
238 

66.4 
11.5 
22.0 

Total,  . 

584 

100.0 

250 

100.0 

246 

100.0 

1,080 

100.0 

Not  reported,     . 

295 

- 

271 

- 

90 

- 

656 

- 

There  were  about  9  per  cent,  more  self-dependent  women 
working  in  the  laundries  in  Boston  than  in  either  of  the  other 
cities  investigated,  or  in  the  smaller  places.  The  difference  lay 
chieflv  in  the  number  of  women  adrift  in  Boston. 


Number  of  Wage  Earners  to  Members  of  Each  Family. 
The  earnings  of  the  laundry  hands  helped  the  male  wage 
earners  to  bear  their  uneven  family  burdens,  just  as  was  done 
by  the  candy  and  store  workers.  Less  than  1  per  cent,  were 
pin-money  workers.^  The  average  number  of  persons  in  the 
families  was  somewhat  smaller.  The  women  living  in  homes 
without  male  wage  earners  were  nearly,  but  not  quite,  so 
heavily  weighted  as  in  the  other  trades.  A  wage  based  on  the 
need  of  an  individual  woman  here  would  come  closer  to  cover- 
ing the  primary  necessities  of  a  family,  for  there  were  fewer 
who  were  making  a  single-handed  effort. 

1  &'ee  Appendix,  table,  p.  318. 


176 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


177 


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178 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Charitable  Assistance. 

The  general  subject  of  charitable  assistance  is  considered 
more  fully  in  the  candy  trade. 

The  families  of  the  laundry  workers  were  helped  in  15.6  per 
cent,  of  the  cases;  not  so  commonly  as  among  the  candy  workers, 
with  20.9  per  cent.,  and  more  often  than  for  the  store  women, 
with  12.7  per  cent.  These  percentages  follow,  in  general,  the 
average  earnings  of  each  trade ;  the  lower  it  is  the  more  families 
there  are  who  receive  assistance.  Help  was  a  little  more  in 
demand  among  the  families  with  a  male  w^age  earner  than 
among  those  without.  It  was  asked  for  more  usually  when  the 
women  wage  earners  received  less  than  $6  a  week. 


Families  of  Boston  Laundry  Workers  who  received  Charitable  Assistance. 


Living  Condition. 

Average 

Weekly 

Earnings. 

Number 

re- 
porting. 

Receiving  Aid  op 
Any  Sort. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

At  home,  a  male  wage  earner  in  the  family, 

Less  than  $6, . 
$6  and  over, 
Not  reported. 

Less  than  $6,. 
$6  and  over,   . 
Not  reported, 

165 
124 
24 

33 
16 
9 

20.0 
12.9 
37.5 

Total 

At  home,  no  male  wage  earner  in  the  family, 

313 

39 

27 
6 

58 

7 
3 
2 

18.5 

17.9 
11.1 
33.3 

Total 

72 

57 
41 
22 

12 

4 
3 
2 

16.7 

Adrift 

Less  than  $6, . 
$6  and  over,   . 
Not  reported, 

7.0 
7.3 
9.1 

Total, 

120 

261 
192 
52 

9 

44 
22 
13 

7.5 

All, 

Less  than  $6, . 
$6  and  over,  . 
Not  reported, 

16.9 
11.5 
25.0 

Total 

505 

79 

15.6 

Nearly  as  large  a  percentage  of  families  in  Worcester,  Cam- 
bridge and  Fall  River  received  help  as  in  Boston.  This  was 
not  the  case  among  the  candy  and  store  workers.  The  pre- 
sumption was  that  the  percentage  was  smaller  because  the 
registration  was  less  complete,  and  because  there  was  less 
organized  charitable  assistance.  It  would,  therefore,  seem  that 
these  jSgures  indicate  the  possibility  that  more  of  the  families 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


179 


of  laundry  workers  in  those  cities  turned  to  charity  than  in 
Boston.  The  numbers  are  too  small,  however,  for  safe  gen- 
eralization. 


Families  of  Worcester,  Cambridge  and  Fall  River  Laundry  Workers 
who  received  Charitable  Assistance. 


Living  Conditions. 

Average 

Weekly 

Earnings. 

Number 

re- 
porting. 

Receiving  Aid  op 
Any  Sort. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

At  home,  a  male  wage  earner  in  the  family, 

Less  than  $6, . 
16  and  over,   . 
Not  reported. 

36 

58 

9 

8 
3 

1 

22.2 
5.2 
11.1 

Total,     .        .        .        .        . 

103 

6 

15 

12 

2 

1 

11  6 

At  home,  no  male  wage  earner  in  the  family, 

Less  than  $6,. 
J6  and  over,   . 
Not  reported, 

Less  than  $6, . 
$6  and  over,   . 
Not  reported. 

Less  than  $6, . 
$6  and  over,   . 
Not  reported. 

33.3 

6.7 

Total 

Adrift 

21 
11 

1 

3 

1 
1 
1 

14.3 

9.1 

5.0 

33.3 

Total 

All 

34 

53 
93 
12 

3 

11 
5 
2 

8.8 

20.8 
5.4 
16.7 

Total 

158 

18 

11.4 

n 


Appendices. 


PAGE 


A.  The  Woman  Adrift, 183 

B.  The  Hual^n  Story, 186 

C.  Report  on  Cotton  Industry, 190 

D.  What  is  a  Living  Wage, 209 

E.  Summary  of  Bureau  of  Statistics  —  Report  on  Manu- 

factures,     239 

F.  General  Tables, 251 


A 


n 


^ 


APPENDIX  A, 


THE  WOMAN  ADRIFT. 

To  the  ends  of  securing  a  common  terminology  in  investi- 
gations of  this  character,  the  following  extract  from  "Women 
in  Stores  and  Factories/'  ^  defining  the  term  "the  woman 
adrift,"  is  here  given:  — • 

In  the  initial  question  the  phrase  "practically  without  homes"  has 
been  used  advisedly,  for  early  in  the  investigation  what  had  seemed  a 
simple  classification  became  a  vexing  problem.  When  is  a  girl  self- 
supporting  and  "practically"  without  a  home?  There  was  no  doubt 
about  the  status  of  women  and  girls  in  boarding  and  lodging  houses, 
nor  about  the  status  of  those  boarding  in  private  families.  In  the  re- 
sults of  the  investigation  these  constitute  the  ample  majority  of  the 
whole  group  classified  among  those  "practically  without  homes." 
But  just  at  what  stage  in  the  dissolution  of  the  home  a  girl  becomes 
"practically  without  a  home"  was  the  difficult  problem  that  demanded 
solution  before  the  investigation  could  proceed.  The  problem  was 
made  more  difficult  by  the  fact  that  there  was  a  moral  as  well  as  a 
material  importance  in  the  question  of  a  home  and  home  influence  for 
the  young  woman  forced  to  earn  her  own  living.  Keeping  both  of 
these  factors  in  mind  the  specific  questions  to  be  answered  were  these: 
Is  a  girl  wage  earner  without  a  home  when  she  has  lost  her  mother? 
She  may  have  a  father  keeping  a  watchful  eye  upon  her  and  well  able 
to  care  for  her  in  time  of  need;  or  if  her  father  is  in  needy  circumstances 
there  may  still  be  sufficient  solidarity  in  the  family  group  to  make  a 
mooring  for  her  and  keep  her  out  of  the  class  of  women  practically 
without  homes.  Is  she  without  a  home  when  she  has  lost  her  father? 
The  income  of  the  family  may  be  such  (even  though  that  income  is 
confined  solely  to  the  earnings  of  the  working  members)  as  to  permit 
the  mother  to  remain  in  the  home  and  perform  the  duties  of  a  mother,  — 
look  after  the  comfort,  health  and  moral  welfare  of  her  children.  The 
spirit  of  the  investigation  was  to  exclude  from  the  class  of  girls  whom 
we^have  termed  "adrift"  those  women  wage  earners  who  have  at  least 
one  of  the  essentials  of  home.  A  number  of  cases  from  the  schedules 
will  serve  to  illustrate  the  principle  of  classification,  and  to  throw  into 

1  Report  on  Women  and  Child  Wage  Earners,  Vol.  V. 


184  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

relief  what  have  been  regarded  as  the  "essentials  of  a  home"  for  the 
purposes  of  this  investigation. 

Alice  and  Julia  M.  —  one  in  a  store,  the  other  in  a  telephone  ex- 
change —  are  the  sole  support  of  themselves,  their  mother  and  an  in- 
valid sister.  The  income  of  the  family  is  such  that  the  mother  can 
stay  at  home,  look  after  the  invalid  sister  and  care  for  the  comfort, 
health  and  moral  welfare  of  the  wage-earning  daughters.  She  is  so 
circumstanced  that  she  can  make  a  home  for  them.  It  is  necessary  for 
both  girls  to  work,  but  either  might  be  disabled  for  a  time  without 
being  thrown  upon  the  public  charity  or  upon  the  mercy  of  strangers. 
These  girls  have  been  regarded  as  having  one  of  the  essentials  of  a 
home,  a  mother  (or  other  woman  of  the  family  effectively  taking  the 
place  of  mother)  who  can  keep  out  of  the  wage-earning  ranks  and  in 
the  ranks  of  the  housekeeper  and  home  maker. 

Another  example:  Katie  A.  works  in  a  department  store  and  earns 
$6.50  a  week;  her  mother  is  dead,  she  lives  with  her  father,  and  while 
paying  $5  a  week  for  her  room  and  board,  is  nevertheless  not  entirely 
dependent  upon  her  earnings,  in  that  her  father  is,  in  the  last  analysis, 
her  support,  and  would  care  for  her  in  case  of  illness  and  lack  of  em- 
ployment; furthermore,  he  is  an  efficient  social  protector.  Katie  has 
been  considered  as  having  one  of  the  essentials  of  a  home. 

Another  illustration  and  one  indicating  a  further  dissolution  of  the 
home:    Mary  E.,  a  woman  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  is  engaged  as 
saleswoman  in  a  department  store.    Her  mother  is  dead,  her  father  is 
almost  a  helpless  paral5i;ic.    They  live  in  two  rooms.    Not  only  are 
Mary's  earnings  the  sole  income,  but  Mary  herself  is  the  caretaker  o£j 
the  "home "  and  of  her  invalid  father.    In  the  morning  she  gets  her  o 
and  her  father's  breakfast,  makes  him  as  comfortable  as  possible  f^ 
the  morning,  works  in  the  store  until  noon,  has  an  hour  to  prepa 
luncheon,  and  at  the  close  of  day  hurries  back  to  her  duties  as  hous 
keeper  and  nurse.    Mary  tells  you  that  her  "home"  is  at  such  an 
such  a  number  on  Blank  Street.    Nevertheless,  Mary  has  been  regarde 
as  a  woman  "adrift."    She  is  not  absolutely  without  a  home,  but  she 
is  "practically"  without  a  home.    Her  father  is  neither  physically  nor 
mentally  able  to  sustain  her  in  time  of  need  nor  to  restrain  her  in  time 
of  temptation;  nor  has  she  a  mother  or  other  woman  relative  effectively] 
taking  a  mother's  place. 

Then  the  married  woman  overtaken  by  domestic  misfortunes  and 
forced  to  earn  her  own  living  presented  another  problem.    If  entirely 
deserted  or  if  widowed,  with  no  means  of  support  and  children  de- 
pendent upon  her,  she  was  clearly  in  the  class  of  women  adrift.    Bu 
if,  on  the  other  hand,  some  of  the  children  were  half  grown  and  earnin 
a  little,  it  became  necessary  to  make  careful  distinction  befween  th 
woman  whose  children  were  as  yet  liabilities  and  the  woman  whose 
children  could  fairly  be  said  to  constitute  an  economic  asset  in  the  event 
of  her  disabiUty. 


I 

y 

i 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  186 

There  were  times  when  classification  became  exceedingly  difficult,  — 
when  it  became  almost  impossible  to  say  whether  the  soHdarity  of  the 
family  group  —  which  might  ordinarily  be  regarded  as  an  asset  for 
the  woman  wage  earner  —  had  not  become  a  liability,  because  it  was 
extremely  difficult  to  say  whether  there  was  any  member  able  to  sus- 
tain the  family  group,  even  temporarily,  in  case  of  her  illness.  Just 
over  the  line  of  the  woman  classed  as  adrift  is  the  broad  fringe  of  wage- 
earning  women  who  are  not  only  the  sole  means  of  income  for  the  home, 
but  whose  problems  of  life  are  so  serious  as  to  make  their  classification 
among  the  group  of  home  women  seem  almost  arbitrary. 

Yet,  as  has  been  said,  it  was  necessary  to  mark,  in  the  process  of  the 
disintegration  of  the  home,  a  stage  beyond  which  women  were  regarded 
as  practically  without  homes,  or  ''adrift.''  This  term  "adrift"  wiM 
be  used  throughout  the  report  to  designate  both  the  boarding  and 
lodging  women  wage  earners,  as  well  as  those  whose  so-called  homes 
have  become  only  impeding  wTeckage. 


186  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 


APPENDIX  B. 


THE  HUMAN  STORY. 

The  following  stories  are  selected  almost  at  random  from 
among  a  large  number  of  others  handed  in  by  the  investigat- 
ors, as  illustrating  the  urgent  need  of  some  working  women 
for  a  living  wage. 

Minnie,  aged  eighteen,  lost  her  mother  last  spring,  after  a 
long  illness,  and  Minnie  is  now  housekeeper  for  her  father  and 
little  brother  and  sister,  —  this  in  addition  to  her  long  hours 
in  the  candy  factory.  The  $5  or  $6  which  she  earns  is  the 
mainstay  of  the  family,  as  her  father  is  foreign  speaking  and 
inefficient  and  in  bad  health,  and  consequently  brings  in  but 
little  money.  Minnie  was  found  house-cleaning  toward  10 
o^clock  one  hot  evening  last  August.  She  is  handsome  and 
vigorous,  full  of  spirit  and  fun,  a  girl  who  would  adorn  any 
walk  in  life.  She  resents  her  hard  lot,  but  with  a  good-natured 
sort  of  drollery  which  is  very  engaging.  With  opportunity  she 
ought  to  have  a  high  earning  power. 

Bessie,  an  American-born  Jewess  of  Russian  parentage,  eight- 
een years  old,  is  employed  as  a  stock  and  sales  girl.  There 
are  4  in  the  family,  —  the  father  is  a  fruit  dealer  and  the  younger 
sister  a  bundle  girl.  The  mother  is  very  ill  and  needs  one  of 
the  girls  at  home,  but  they  cannot  afford  to  give  up  their  work, 
so  do  the  housework  in  the  morning  and  at  night.  The  mother 
is  always  worse  in  the  mornings,  and  as  Bessie  stays  to  care  for 
her  she  is  frequently  a  few  minutes  late  at  work.  But  although 
the  managers  know  the  reason  for  her  tardiness  she  is  scolded 
and  made  to  feel  so  uncomfortable  that  she  would  go  back 
home  when  late  if  she  could  afford  the  loss  of  pay. 

Mrs.  C,  an  Irish  woman,  thirty-eight  years  old,  is  employed 
as  a  matron  or  janitress.  Her  husband  was  a  bartender  and 
waiter  at  one  of  the  hotels  in  Boston  and  made  fairly  good 
pay.     She  had  "a  nice  home,  with  a  velvet  parlor  set  and  rugs 


1912.1  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  187 

and  a  piano,  and  they  were  all  very  happy."  But  her  husband 
took  to  drinking  heavily,  and  finally  ran  off  with  another  woman 
and  left  her  with  3  children  —  now  fourteen,  thirteen,  and 
seven  years  old,  respectively  —  to  support.  She  was  a  woman 
who  had  had  no  education  of  any  kind,  no  schooling  and  no 
experience  as  a  wage  earner.  She  got  work  in  a  department 
stpre  and  has  worked  ever  since,  never  losing  a  day  and 
never  being  late.  Before  her  husband  left  her  he  mortgaged 
their  home,  and  she  lost  it  and  all  of  her  furniture,  except  "the 
city  made  them  leave  my  kitchen  set  and  one  chamber  set  and 
that  was  all  I  had  out  of  my  grand  furniture."  She  gets  $2 
in  cash  from  the  city  and  $1  per  week  from  her  church  in  gro- 
ceries, and  with  her  wages  she  has  managed  to  keep  her  chil- 
dren with  her.  She  rents  4  rooms,  for  which  she  pays  S8  per 
month. 

Agnes  is  a  frail,  bloodless  little  French-American,  thirty- 
seven  years  old,  who  is  all  alone  in  the  world.  She  lived  with 
her  parents  until  their  death,  about  five  years  ago,  and  after 
that  she  started  to  work  as  a  waitress.  But  she  was  not  strong 
enough  to  carry  the  necessary  loads  so  she  gave  it  up.  As  a 
waitress  she  made  $3  per  week  and  her  room  and  board.  Then 
for  three  years  she  worked  as  special  in  the  various  stores, 
never  able  to  get  a  really  permanent  place.  At  this  she  aver- 
aged $6  per  week,  but  there  were  so  many  weeks  when  she 
had  no  work  that  she  almost  starved  to  death.  She  then  tried 
millinery  and  worked  for  six  months  for  $6  per  week,  but  when 
the  season  was  over  she  was  again  out  of  employment.  It 
was  three  months  before  she  found  any  work,  except  an  occa- 
sional day  as  an  extra,  and  one  year  ago  she  came  to  the  store 
where  she  is  now  employed  and  has  worked  ever  since,  except 
for  a  two  weeks^  lay  off  and  one  week  when  she  was  out  ill. 
When  she  came  to  work  there  she  was  in  debt  because  of  her 
three  months'  previous  idleness,  and  has  just  been  able  to  pay 
her  obligations.  She  does  her  own  laundering,  her  car  fare  is 
60  cents  and  her  meals  come  to  $3  or  S3. 50  per  week.  She 
must  have  a  good  room  because  she  is  very  nervous,  and  her 
room  is  all  she  has,  so  she  pays  an  apologetic  $2.50  for  it. 
She  is  a  woman  physically  and  nervously  unfit  for  the  strain. 

Mrs.  S.  is  a  widow  from  New  Brunswick,  thirty-seven  years 


188  MINIMUM  WA<^E  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

old,  working  as  saleswoman.  She  has  been  with  the  same  firm 
for  eight  years  and  six  months.  She  pays  $1  per  week  for  a 
room,  does  her  own  laundering  and  spends  60  cents  for  car 
fare.  She  gets  her  own  breakfasts,  which  are  so  slight  as  to 
fee  almost  negligible,  pays  10  cents  for  lunches  and  25  cents 
for  dinners.  She  was  laid  off  for  five  weeks  during  the  last 
year,  and  went  to  relatives  in  Canada,  as  she  could  not  afford 
to  pay  rent  while  out  of  work.  She  had  one  week's  vacation 
without  pay. 

Bertha,  a  Nova  Scotian,  of  twenty-three,  whose  parents  are 
both  dead,  is  employed  as  salesgirl.  She  worked  for  over  two 
years  as  serv^ant  for  $5  per  week  and  room  -and  board,  but 
wanted  more  social  iife  and  more  variety,  so  entered  a  depart- 
ment store  and  has  been  there  for  six  months.  She  pays  $2 
per  week  for  her  room,  30  cents  per  week  for  laundering  of  2 
shirtwaists  in  the  summer,  but  does  all  her  own  laundering  in 
the  winter.  She  gets  her  own  breakfasts,  which  average  10 
cents,  goes  without  lunches,  and  gets  her  own  suppers,  which 
amount  to  ai)out  20  cents  apiece.  She  is  at  present  strong  and 
seemingly  healthy,  but  is  economizing  to  such  a  degree  on  her 
ifood,  etc.,  that  her  future  health  is  likely  to  be  impaired. 

Ernestine  is  an  eighteen-year-old  Canadian  girl,  very  pretty, 
w«ll  bred  and  neatly  dressed.  Her  parents  both  died  several 
months  ago  and  left  her  utterly  alone,  without  living  relatives. 
She  worked  as  a  stock  girl  at  $4.50  per  week  for  two  months, 
was  laid  off  and  went  to  a  summer  hotel  as  waitress  for  $3  and^ 
room  and  board.  She  worked  there  for  two  months,  or  until 
the  season  was  over,  and  then  came  to  another  store  at  $5  per 
week.  She  pays  $1.50  for  room,  including  light  and  heat,  has 
no  car  fare,  does  her  laundering,  except  for  shirtwaists,  which 
costs  her  30  cents  during  the  summer.  She  goes  without  break- 
fast, or  eats  only  a  banana,  gets  her  lunch  for  10  or  15  cents, 
and  her  dinners  for  20  or  25.  She  has  never  paid  more  than 
25  cents  for  a  meal  since  she  started  to  work.  She  is  just  a 
child,  and  is  quite  bewildered  over  the  problem  of  facing  life 
on  S5  a  week,  and  is  terribly  afraid  of  debt.  She  is  intelligent  __ 
and  clever.  ■■ 

Annie's  mother  died  when  she  was  a  child  and  she  was 
brought  up  by  an  older  sister.     Her  father  was  a  fireman  and 


1 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  189 

two  brothers  were  also  working,  so  they  had  a  comfortable 
home.  But  her  father  was  ill  for  a  year  and  a  half,  and  then 
died,  all  his  savings  consumed,  just  as  Annie  got  started  as  a 
bundle  girl  at  S2.50  a  week.  Soon  after  this  both  her  brothers 
died,  one  by  an  accident  and  the  other  of  consumption,  and 
later  in  the  same  year  the  sister  died,  too,  and  Annie  was  left 
alone,  with  $2.50  as  her  sole  income.  Friends  were  good  to 
her  and  helped  her  as  they  could,  but  they  too  were  poor,  and 
Annie  plainly  could  not  live  on  what  she  could  earn.  She  now 
earns  $6  a  week,  but  she  works  very  irregularly.  The  forelady 
says,  "Annie  is  so  sweet  and  kindly  that  I  always  try  to  hide 
the  fact  that  she  is  a  continual  absentee.  I  know  nothing  of 
her  outside  life.  Yes,  she  has  changed  greatly  in  her  appear- 
ance; she  was  such  a  pretty  young  thing  and  now  she  does 
look  dissipated.  But,  poor  girl,  she  has  had  a  frightful  time 
and  girls  can't  live  on  their  wages."  Annie's  wage  card  gives 
an  average  of  $3.20  a  week.  She  says  she  pays  $4.84  a  week 
for  her  room  and  board  and  25  cents  for  light.  When  asked 
how  she  managed  to  pay  more  than  she  earned  she  began  to 
cry  bitterly  and  said,  "But  you  know,  no  girl  can  live  on  $6 
a  week,  let  alone  the  $2.50  which  was  all  I  had  when  I  first 
had  to  support  myself.  No  girl  can  get  by  on  that.  And  its 
awfully  lonely  without  any  of  your  own  people." 


190 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


APPENDIX  C. 


REPORT  ON  COTTON  INDUSTRY.' 


Prepared  by  Elizabeth  G.  Evans,  of  the  Commission,  -with  Notes  and  Comments. 


PAGE 

The  Problem, 190 

The  Industry, 191 

The  Investigation:  Methods  pursued, 192 

A.  The  Labor  Force:  Age;  Race;  Married  Women  and  Race; 

Young  Wage  Earners  and  Race;  Child  Labor, 

B.  Domestic  Conditions:  Housing;  Conjugal  Condition;  Do-     193 

mestic  Duties  of  Wage  Earners;  Composition  of  Family- 
Group;  Married  Women  at  Work;  Noncontributing 
Fathers;  Domestic  Conditions  of  Child  Wage  Earners; 
Substitution  of  Adult  for  Child  Labor,     ....     198 

C.  Wages:  Earnings  and  Under  Emplojnnent;  Actual  Earn- 

ings and  Rate;  Median  Wages;  Wages  in  Competing 
States;  The  Family  Income;  Contribution  of  Wage- 
earning  Mothers;  Contribution  of  Child  Workers; 
Contribution  of  Single  Women, 199 

D.  The  Human  Situation, 206 

E.  Remarks, 208 


I 


The  Problem. 
Investigation  into  the  earnings  of  8,021  (page  662)  female 
cotton  operatives  in  Massachusetts,  this  being  approximately 
one-fifth  of  the  total  number  of  women  and  girls  engaged  in 
the  industry  in  this  State,  showed  that  3,349,  or  4L7  per  cent., 
of  those  investigated  had  earned,  during  a  representative  week, 
as  follows :  — 

Under  Eighteen  Years  of  Age. 


Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Under  $6 

Under  $5, 

Under  $4, 

Under  $3 

Under  $2 

725 
516 
312 
134 
59 

66.9 
47.6 
28.8 
12.4 
5.4 

I 


1  Report  on  Women  and  Child  Wage  Earners,  Vol.  I. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


191 


Eighteen  Years  of  Age  and  Over. 


Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Under  $6, 

2,624 

37.8 

Under  $5 .         .         . 

1,591 

22.9 

Under  $4 

859 

12.4 

Under  $3, 

349 

5.0 

Under  $2 

160 

2.3 

These  figures,  which  show  that  38  per  cent,  of  women  eighteen 
or  over  earned  less  than  $6  a  week,  that  23  per  cent,  earned  less 
than  $5,  that  over  12  per  cent,  of  them  earned  less  than  $4,  and 
that  5  per  cent,  earned  less  than  S3,  indicate  roughly  the  dimen- 
sions of  the  minimum-wage  proposition,  at  whatever  level  it 
were  set,  as  it  might  be  expected  to  touch  the  cotton  industry. 

The  Industry. 
The  cotton  textile  industry  employs  more  women  and  chil- 
dren than  any  other  in  the  United  States.  It  was  earliest 
developed  in  Massachusetts,  and  in  spite  of  recent  rapid  growth 
in  the  south,  Massachusetts  is  still  its  chief  habitat.  In  1905, 
$176,057,671  was  invested  in  184  cotton  mills;  in  1910,  64  of 
the  more  important  mills  paid  dividends  on  common  or  pre- 
ferred stock  as  follows :  — 

Per  Cent. 

2  mills, 2^ 

39  mills, 4  to  6§ 

12  mills, 7  to   9 

11  mills, 10  to  13 

1  mill 18 


In  1905  out  of  23,155,613  spindles  in  the  United  States, 
8,411,249,  or  36.3  per  cent.,  were  operated  in  Massachusetts; 
and  out  of  310,458  employees,  88,033,  or  28.3  per  cent.,  were 
residents  of  Massachusetts.  Of  this  number  44,640  were  women 
and  children  under  sixteen.^ 

1  United  States  Census  for  1905. 


192  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

The  Investigation". 
Methods  pursued. 

An  exhaustive  study  of  the  women  and  child  wage  earners 
employed  in  the  cotton  industry  has  been  made  by  the  United 
States  Department  of  Labor,  and  its  findings  collected  in  a 
bulky  volume  ^  published  a  few  months  before  the  commission 
entered  upon  its  work.  This  investigation  covered  the  indus- 
try in  10  different  States.  Data  were  collected  in  Massachu- 
setts during  the  spring  and  early  summer  of  1908  from  22  estab- 
lishments containing  18  per  cent,  of  all  the  spindles  operated 
in  the  State,  care  being  taken  to  select  a  pay  roll  period  previous 
to  any  reduction  of  pay  owing  to  the  recent  industrial  depres- 
sion. The  investigation  covered  18,001  persons,  this  being  all 
the  employees  of  these  22  mills  who  were  under  sixteen  years 
of  age,  all  women  sixteen  and  over,  and  all  males  of  sixteen 
and  over  in  occupations  employing  women  and  minors,  who 
were  employed  during  a  representative  period. 

Of  these  various  classes  the  above  22  mills  employed  (page  _ 
16):-  m 

Women  16  and  over, 7,773 

Girls  under  16, 320 

Total  females  employed, 8,093 

Boys  under  16, 285 

Total  women  and  children  under  16, 8,378 

Males  16  and  over, 9,623 

Total, 18,001 

The  wages  and  hours  of  the  above  18,001  persons  were  copied 
by  the  investigators  from  the  pay  rolls,  and  information  was 
also  secured  concerning  their  age,  nativity,  race  and  conjugj 
condition. 

In  addition  to  the  18,001  schedules  gathered  in  the  mills>' 
438  families,  containing  2,626  persons,  were  visited  and  exhaus- 


1 


1  Vol.  I  of  a  report  in  19  volumes,  entitled,  "  Women  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United_ 
States,"  prepared  under  the  direction  of  Charles  P.  Neill,  Commissioner  of  Labor. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  193 

tive  schedules  prepared  showing  the  composition  of  the  family, 
the  amount  contributed  by  each  member,  the  per  capita  of 
the  family  income,  the  sum  paid  for  rent,  etc. 

The  federal  investigation  is  so  much  more  thorough  than  any- 
thing that  could  be  undertaken  by  the  commission,  that  no 
original  study  of  this  industry  has  been  made,  the  following 
being  simply  a  digest  of  the  findings  of  the  federal  report,  except 
where  some  other  authority  is  specifically  cited.  References 
made  by  figures  in  parentheses  to  the  page  of  the  federal  report, 
on  which  the  various  statements  are  based,  in  order  that  stu- 
dents may  appeal  to  the  larger  body  of  material  contained  in 
the  original,  to  verify,  or  possibly  reinterpret,  the  commis- 
sion's findings. 

A.    The  Labor  Force. 
Age. 
Taking  the  whole  labor  force  in  the  cotton  mills  of  Massa- 
chusetts in  1907-08,  we  find  (page  37)  i^  — 

Per  Cent. 

Males  of  16  and  over, 53.4 

Females  of  16  and  over, 43.2 

Children  under  16, 3.4 

Comparing  these  figures  with  those  of  1905,  we  find  an  — 

Per  Cent. 

Increase  of  males  of  16  and  over, 4.1 

Decrease  of  females  of  16  and  over,  .  .  .  .  •  .  .  1.2 
Decrease  of  children  under  16, 2.9 

•  These  changes  in  proportion  indicate  a  steady  tendency,  and 
one  in  marked  contrast  to  the  early  days  when  the  industry 
was  chiefly  given  over  to  women  and  children. 

Analysis  of  the  female  cotton  operatives  of  Massachusetts  in 
1905  by  ages  shows  (page  45)  i^ — 

*  The  age  division  throughout  this  federal  report  is  usually  between  those  under  sixteen 
and  those  sixteen  and  over,  where  in  the  commission's  investigations  eighteen  is  taken  as 
the  dividing  line  between  adults  and  minors. 

2  Quoted  in  the  federal  report  from  unpublished  material  furnished  by  the  Massachusetts 
Bureau  of  Statistics. 
\ 


194 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Ages. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

Under  16 

2,794 

6.3 

16  to  24 

22,265 

50.3 

25  to  44,    '. 

16,430 

37.2 

45  to  64,    

2.657 

6.0 

65  and  over,  and  unknown 

71 

.2 

44,217 

100.0 

The  predominant  age  is  twenty-one.  The  proportion  over 
twenty-one  is  larger  than  in  any  other  State.  The  number  who 
were  over  forty-five  years  of  age  —  2,728  —  is  surprisingly  large, 
while  the  19,158  who  are  shown  to  be  over  twenty-five  belies 
the  theory  that  women  in  industry  are  young  girls  who  in  the 
nature  of  the  case  will  soon  marry. 


Race. 
Analysis  of  the  female  cotton  operatives  on  race  lines  gives 
us  for  the  22  mills  investigated  (page  619) :  —  r^n 

American, 626  .■■ 

English, 861  "■ 

Irish, 1,596 

Total, 3,083,  or  39.3  per  cent. 

French  Canadian, 2,104 

Italian, 66 

Polish, 1,433 

Portuguese, 585 

Other  races, 580 

Total, 4,768,  or  60.7  per  cent 

It  is  of  interest  that  more  than  60  per  cent,  of  the  above  are 
under  the  disadvantages  which  spring  from  differences  of  tn 
dition,  custom  and  tongue. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  195 

Married  Women  and  Race. 
Of  the  different  races  in  the  22  mills  investigated,  there  were 
married  women  at  work  (page  629) :  — 

American, 127 

English, 296 

Irish, 378 

Total, 801,  or  36  per  cent. 

French  Canadian, 635 

Itahan, 18 

Polish, 445 

Portuguese, 190 

Other  races, 139 

Total, 1,427,  or  64  per  cent. 

2,228 

It  is  seen  from  the  above  figures  that  64  per  cent,  of  the 
married  women  at  work  belonged  to  the  relatively  foreign  races, 
and  only  36  per  cent,  to  the  English-speaking  group. 

Young  Wage  Earners  and  Race. 
Comparing  the  prevalence  among  different  groups  of  the  popu- 
lation of  wage  earning  by  children  under  sixteen  in  the  22  mills 
investigated,  we  find  (page  102) :  — 

Per  Cent. 

Americans, .        .        .11.0 

English,      ' 15.5 

Irish, 11.2 

Total, 37.7 

French  Canadians, 36 . 2 

Italian, 1.0 

Polish, 7.8 

Portuguese, 8.1 

Other  races, 9.2 


I 


Total, 62.3 


Here  we  find  62.3  per  cent,  were  young  people  of  the  relatively 
foreign  races  in  the  mills,  against  37.7  per  cent,  of  the  English- 
speaking  group. 


196 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Child  Labor. 
As  regards  child  labor,  the  situation  is  full  of  encouragement, 
for  although  it  is  shown  by  the  report  (page  26)  that  in  1905, 
5,586  children  under  sixteen^  were  at  work  in  the  cotton  mills 
in  Massachusetts,  only  1  of  the  605  found  in  the  22  mills  inves- 
tigated in  1908  was  below  the  legal  age  of  fourteen,  —  and  this 
in  contrast  to  competing  States  in  which  the  number  of  children 
under  fourteen  at  work  in  cotton  mills  was  all  the  way  from  10 
or  9  per  cent,  of  those  under  sixteen  in  the  7  mills  investigated 
in  New  Hampshire,  to  1,620,  or  4.9  per  cent.,  in  the  36  mills 
investigated  in  South  Carolina  (page  40).^  Moreover,  in  the 
other  States  the  per  cent,  of  operatives,  even  between  fourteen 
and  sixteen,  is  in  every  case  larger  than  in  Massachusetts; 
which  State  also  leads  in  the  decreasing  proportion  of  kbor 
under  sixteen  which  has  taken  place  in  almost  all  the  States 
since  1905.    The  figures  are  (page  37) :  — 


Peb  Cent. 

Per  Cent. 

1905. 

1907-08. 

1905. 

1907-08. 

Massachusetts, 
New  Hampshire,  . 
Rhode  Island, 
Maine.  .... 

6.3 
2.1 
8.9 

4.8 

3.4 
4.9 
7.4 
8.4 

Virginia, 
Georgia, 
North  Carolina, 
Alabama, 
South  Carolina, 
Mississippi,  . 
South.      . 

11.9 
22.4 
22.6 
27.0 
23.7 
25.7 

14.7 
16.1 
20.6 
20.9 

New  England, 

6.0 

5.2 

22.9 
23.8 

23.1 

20.0 

It  is  significant  that  places  in  Massachusetts  with  a  popula- 
tion of  less  than  3,000  have  a  larger  proportion  of  child  workers 
than  places  with  a  larger  population. 

The  cotton  industry  is  one  which  of  all  others  finds  child 
labor  profitable.  Nevertheless,  child  labor  has  been  drastically 
curbed,  and  curbed  far  in  advance  of  competing  States  in 
Massachusetts,  the  leading  cotton  manufacturing  State  of  the 

1  Figures  are  quoted  in  the  federal  report  from  Census  Bulletin,  No.  74,  pp.  51,  58. 

2  In  the  southern  states  949  children  ranging  from  six  to  eleven  were  found  at  work  in  152 
mills  investigated  (p.  85). 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


197 


Union.     Meanwhile  the  industry  has  grown  and  flourished  in 
this  State  abundantly.    Statistics  show  that  ^ — 

In  1880  there  were  4,236,084  spindles  in  Massachusetts. 
In  1890  there  were  5,824,518  spindles  in  Massachusetts. 
In  1900  there  were  7,784,687  spindles  in  Massachusetts. 
In  1910  there  were  9,372,364  spindles  in  Massachusetts. 

This  indicates  a  growth  of  the  industry  continued  during 
the  years  when  southern  competition  was  on  the  increase  and 
when  the  results  of  home  regulations  were  in  full  operation. 
Facts  such  as  these,  before  they  had  been  demonstrated  beyond 
peradventure  by  experience,  might  well  have  been  considered 
an  a  priori  impossibility. 

Substitution  of  Adult  for  Child  Labor. 
A  study  of  the  ages  of  employees  in  various  cotton-mill 
occupations  shows  how  Massachusetts  has  met  the  restrictions 
put  upon  child  labor.     Thus  of  doffers  there  were  employed 
(page  54) :  — 


In  22  Mills  in  Massachusetts. 
Under  16,      ....      75 
16  and  over,         .       .       .    413 


In  152  Mills  in  the  South. 
Under  16,    ....   3,042 
16  and  over,       ...      828 


Of  the  doffers  in  Massachusetts  of  sixteen  or  over,  296  were 
males  and  117  were  females,  while  only  8  female  doffers  of 
sixteen  or  over  were  found  in  the  southern  mills. 

The  same  is  true  of  the  scrubbers  and  sweepers  ^  (page  55) :  — 


Massachusetts. 

Southern  Group. 

Under  16,      .       .       . 

.       15 

Under  16,    ...       . 

421 

16  and  over, 

.     108 

16  and  over, 

382 

In  Massachusetts  56.1  per  cent,  of  the  above  were  female 
against  17.9  per  cent,  in  the  south. 

The  above  figm-es  demonstrate  the  way  in  which  the  elimina- 
tion of  child  labor  has  created  a  larger  demand  for  adult,  and 
more  particularly  for  woman's  labor. 


United  States  Census. 


*  Almost  all  of  these  were  sweepers. 


198 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


B.  Domestic  Conditions. 
Housing. 
In  the  matter  of  housing  the  vast  majority  of  the  cotton 
operatives  in  Massachusetts  live  in  tenements.  Out  of  the  438 
famiUes  only  68  owned  their  own  homes,  and  only  96  occupied 
separate  dwellings.  The  average  number  of  rooms  per  family, 
for  families  renting  non-company  houses,  was  5.3,  and  the  aver- 
age rent  was  $1.86  per  month  per  room  (page  758);  88  of  these 
kept  213  boarders  or  lodgers  (page  544). 


Conjugal  Condition. 
In  regard  to  the  conjugal  condition,  analysis  of  7,535  female 
wage  earners  in  Massachusetts  of  sixteen  or  over  shows  (pages 
129,  644):  — 


Single, 5,004 

Married, 2,228 

Widowed,  divorced,  deserted, 303 


Domestic  Duties  of  Wage  Earners. 
Of  a  group  of  500  representative  women  at  work  in  Mass 
chusetts  cotton  mills,  12  were  doing  all  the  housework,  an 
196  were  doing  a  part  (page  540). 


idil 


Composition  of  Family  Group. 
Analysis  of  438  families  shows  (page  739) :  — 


Number. 


Per  Cent. 


FamiUes  with  fathers  at  work, 

Families  with  fathers  idle  or  incapacitated,    . 

Families  with  fathers  dead,  deserted  or  away. 

Families  with  mothers  at  home, 

Families  with  mothers  at  work. 

Families  with  mothers  dead  or  away,     . 

Families  with  one  or  more  males  (excluding  fathers)  of  16  or 

over  at  work. 
Families  with  one  or  more  females  (excluding  mothers)  of  16 

or  over  at  work. 
Families  with  children  of  14  or  15, 
Families  with  children  under  14,     . 
Families  with  other  dependents. 
Total  membership  of  438  families, 
Average  number  per  family. 


325 
36 

77 
306 
96 
36 
181 

308 

261 

402 

14 

2,839 

6.5 


74.2 
8.2 
17.6 
69.9 
21.9 
8.2 
41.3 


59.6 
91.9 
3.2 


In  the  181  families  having  one  or  more  males  sixteen  or  over 
(excluding  father)  there  were  242  such  individuals,  of  whom 
233,  or  96.3  per  cent.,  were  at  work. 


d 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  199 

In  the  308  families  having  one  or  more  females  of  sixteen  or 
over  (excluding  mother)  there  were  523  such  individuals,  of 
whom  491,  or  93.9  per  cent.,  were  at  work. 

In  the  261  families  having  children  of  fourteen  or  fifteen 
there  were  292  such  children,  of  whom  242,  or  82.9  per  cent., 
were  at  work. 

Married  Women  at  Work. 

In  the  same  group  of  438  families  there  were  96  in  which  the 
mother  was  at  work  outside  of  her  home  (page  744).  Of  these, 
7  were  native  of  native  parents,  7  native  of  foreign  parents,  and 
82  were  foreign  born.  Twelve  of  them  had  children  of  two 
years  or  under,  47  had  children  between  three  and  nine  years 
old,  40  had  children  between  ten  and  thirteen,  and  41  had  chil- 
dren of  fourteen  and  fifteen.  The  average  size  of  the  families 
was  4.4.  The  husbands  of  63  of  them  were  also  working  (page 
782). 

Noncontributing  Fathers. 

In  the  same  group  of  438  families  we  find  (page  438) :  — 

Fathers  living, 375 

Fathers  dead, 63 

Of  the  375  fathers  living,  50  were  noncontributing  from  in- 
capacitation, desertion,  etc.,  and  these,  added  to  the  63  who 
were  dead,  give  113  families,  or  25.8  per  cent.,  which  were 
without  maintenance  from  the  natural  breadwinner. 

Of  the  50  families  which  had  living  but  noncontributing 
fathers,  23  had  a  mother,  or  children  under  sixteen  at  work. 

Domestic  Conditions  of  Child  Wage  Earners. 
In  a  group  of  242  families  having  children  under  sixteen 
years  of  age  at  work,  we  find  (page  768)  182  had  father  but 
not  mother  at  work;  of  19,  both  parents  were  working;  of  4 
the  father  was  idle;  and  of  37,  the  mother  was  a  widow  or 
deserted,  father  incapacitated  or  both  parents  dead. 

C.    Wages. 
Earnings  and  Under  Employment. 
The  wages  and  the  hours  worked  during  a  representative 
week  for  the  whole  group  employed  in  the  22  mills,  excluding 
occupations  in  which  no  women  were  employed,  were:  — 


200 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  201 

The  striking  facts  brought  out  in  the  above  table  are:  — 

First.  The  extraordinarily  low  wages  of  the  men,  of  whom 
12.3  per  cent,  of  those  of  eighteen  or  over  showed  less  than  $4 
a  week,  and  30.3  per  cent.,  or  not  far  short  of  one-third  of  the 
whole  number,  earned  less  than  $6  a  week,  —  an  indication  of 
the  effect  upon  men's  wages  when  they  are  subjected  to  the 
competition  of  women. 

Second.  The  close  similarity  in  the  wages  of  the  men  and 
the  women. 

Third.  The  degree  to  which  earnings  were  reduced  by  under 
employment.  The  figures,  it  should  be  remembered,  were 
gathered,  not  in  time  of  slack  work,  but  during  a  representa- 
tive period. 

Actual  Earnings  and  Rate. 

In  a  table  giving  earnings  of  women  operatives  in  6  selected 
occupations  in  the  44  New  England -mills  investigated,  we  find 
that  when  full-time  wages  for  weavers  would  have  averaged 
$8.99,  the  actual  average  earnings  were  only  $7.85  (page  328). 
Much  the  same  proportion  held  in  the  more  ill-paid  occupations. 

Median  Wages. 

Analysis  of  the  14,585  female  operatives  in  the  New  England 
group  shows  that  the  greatest  number,  or  15.3  per  cent.,  earned 
between  $6  and  $6.99,  which  class  also  represents  the  median 
wage,  40.2  per  cent,  of  the  whole  group  earning  less  than  $6, 
and  44.-5  per  cent,  earning  $7  and  over.  Between  $5  and  $8 
there  is  a  massing  of  the  female  operatives,  43.3  per  cent,  being 
in  this  wage  group  (page  305). 

Among  the  men  there  is  likewise  a  massing  between  $5  and 
$8,  but  of  a  smaller  proportion,  viz.,  33.8  per  cent,  for  men 
against  43.3  per  cent,  for  women,  while  the  proportion  earning 
$7  and  over  is  51.4  per  cent,  for  men  against  44.5  per  cent,  for 
women,  and  the  proportion  earning  $10  and  over  is  25.4  per 
cent,  for  men  against  12.9  per  cent,  for  women  (page  305). 

Wages  in  Competing  States. 
Contrasting  earnings  of  the  operatives  in  the  north  and  the 
south,  we  find  a  striking  advantage  for  the  northern  section. 
For  example,  the  earnings  of  males  and  females  in  the  south  are 


202 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


even  more  closely  similar  than  in  the  north,  and  for  both  they 
mass  between  |3  and  $6,  which  takes  in  42.1  per  cent,  of  the 
males  and  50.4  per  cent,  of  the  females.  Moreover,  the  pro- 
portion in  the  south  earning  $7  and  over  is  only  25.1  per  cent, 
for  the  males  and  13.9  per  cent,  for  the  females;  13.2  per  cent, 
of  males  and  7  per  cent,  of  females  earn  over  $8,  while  only 
11.4  per  cent,  of  the  males  and  3.4  per  cent,  of  the  females  earn 
over  $9,  and  6.5  per  cent,  of  the  males  and  1.4  per  cent,  of  the 
females  earn  $10  and  over  (page  305). 

Classifying  53,246  operatives,  both  male  and  female,  and  both 
in  the  north  and  the  south,  we  find  important  facts  concern- 
ing the  wages  of  men  and  women  in  the  same  industry  and  in 
competing  sections  of  the  country. 

The  figures  are  (page  305) :  — 


New  England  Group 
(Per  Cent.). 

Southern  Group 
(Per  Cent.). 

Males. 

Females. 

Males. 

Females. 

Under  $2.00 

4.0 

3.0 

12.0 

11.9 

$2  to  $4.99 

20.8 

22.7 

41.4 

45.9 

$5  to  $6.99 

23.8 

29.8 

21.5 

28.3 

$7  to  $8.99,           

17.6 

23.0 

13.7 

10.5 

$9  to  $9. 99 

8.4 

8.6 

4.9 

2.0 

$10  and  over, 

25.4 

12.9 

6.5 

1.4 

The  differences  in  wages  in  competing  sections  are  seen  to  be 
even  greater  when  reduced  to  hours.    Thus  (pages  718,  720) :  — 


Average  Earnings  per  Hour. 

Males. 

Females. 

Massachusetts, 

North  CaroUna, 

$0,149 
.097 

$0,136 
.087 

Maximum  Average  Earnings. 

Massachusetts,^ 

North  Carolina, 

$0,180 
.137 

$0,154 
.106 

By  these  figures  we  see  a  wage  scale  almost  half  as  much 
higher  per  hour  in  Massachusetts  than  in  North  Carolina. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  203 

Thus  by  an  accumulation  of  data  it  is  seen  that  higher-priced 
labor,  like  restriction  of  child  labor,  has  been  compatible  with 
the  steady  growth  which  has  taken  place  in  Massachusetts  in 
the  cotton  industry. 

The  Family  Incoine. 
Turning  to  the  composite  income  received  by  438  families, 
some  members  of  which  were  at  work  in  a  Massachusetts  cotton 
mill,  we  find  (page  744) :  — 

Average  income  of  families  with  fathers  at  work,        .        .        .  $1,182 

Average  contribution  of  fathers, 467 

Average  income  of  families  with  mothers  at  work,      .       .       .  893 

Average  contribution  by  mothers, 286 

Average  income  of  families  with  children  of  14  and  15  at  work,  1,155 
Average  income  of  families  with  one  or  more  girls  over  16  at 

work, 1,243 

Average  income  of  families  with  one  or  more  boys  over  16  at 

work, 1,456 

The  above  figures  average  up  far  better  than  might  be 
expected,  considering  the  small  contribution  of  the  constituent 
members.  But  averages  are  notoriously  misleading,  and  fur- 
ther analysis  tells  a  much  less  encouraging  story. 

Contribution  of  Wage-earning  Mothers. 
Analysis  of  the  family  income  of  the  96  wage-earning  mothers 
in  the  above  group  shows  (page  783) :  — 

Average  family  income,  exclusive  of  earnings  of  wives,  .  .  $607 
Average  earnings  of  wives, 286 


Total  income, $893 


Of  the  above  families,  32.8  per  cent,  of  the  average  family 
income  was  contributed  by  the  mother,  and  33.3  per  cent,  of 
them  had  a  family  income  of  less  than  $2  per  capita,  exclusive 
of  the  wives'  earnings.  Here  is  a  group  of  married  women 
presumably  discharging  their  household  duties,  whose  earnings 
outside  the  home  were  necessary  to  the  most  meager  family 
sustenance  (pages  745,  783). 


204 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Contribution  of  Child  Workers. 
How  heavily  the  burden  of  support  frequently  falls  upon  the 
children  is  shown  by  an  analysis  of  226  families  having  children 
under  sixteen  at  work.  The  average  family  income  for  this 
group  is  $1,154,  of  which  18  per  cent,  is  contributed  by  the 
children  (page  745).  Subtracting  the  children's  earnings  from 
the  family  income,  we  find  (page  754) :  — 


Number  of 
Families. 


Per  Cent. 


Less  than  $300, 
$300  to  $500,  . 
$500  to  $800,  . 
$800  to  $1,200,  , 
$1,200  to  $2,000, 
$2,000  and  over. 


11.1 
18.6 
23.0 
24.3 
19.0 
4.0 


100.0 


More  than  half  of  the  families  with  an  income  of  less  than 
$500  had  6  or  more  in  the  family.  Thus  the  children  in  these 
families  were  not  only  forced  by  the  meager  wages  of  their 
parents  to  become  self-supporting  at  an  early  age,  but  to  con- 
tribute to  the  sustenance  of  others. 

How  generally  this  state  of  things  obtains  is  perhaps  still 
better  shown  by  another  analysis  of  the  same  226  families 
(page  834). 

Excluding  again  the  earnings  of  the  children,  we  find  a  family 
per  capita  as  follows:  — 


Number  of 
Families. 

Per  Cent. 

Less  than  $1 

14 

6.2 

$1  to  $1.99 

71 

31.4 

$2  to  $2.99 

56 

24.3 

$3  to  $4.99 

68 

30.1 

$5  and  over, 

18 

8.0 

Total 

226 

100.0 

1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


205 


From  the  above  cases  it  may  be  seen  in  how  few  cases  chil- 
dren under  sixteen  are  at  work  in  this  industry  whose  wages 
are  not  urgently  needed  for  the  family  maintenance. 

Contribution  of  Single  Women.   . 
The  group  with  the  second  largest  average  family  income  was 
that  having  women  of  sixteen  or  over  at  work.     Analysis  of 
486  such  cases  belonging  to-  300  families  shows  (pages  745, 
776):  — 

Received  contribution  to  family  income  from  father,       .       .  $207 

Received  contribution  to  family  income  from  mother,      .       .  $35 

Received  contribution  to  family  income  from  children  under  16,  $131 

Average  family  income, $1,247^ 

Average  number  in  family, 6.3 

Average  per  capita  per  family, $3  82 

Proportion  of  family  income  contributed  bj^  unmarried  women 

of  16  or  over, 43 . 1 

The  highest  earnings  of  the  single  women  on  the  average  were 
in  their  twenty-fourth  year.  Of  the  earnings  of  these  486 
women,  95.6  per  cent,  were  turned  into  the  family  budget. 

Analyzing  further  the  family  budgets  of  the  unmarried  women 
wage-earning  class  by  reducing  the  average  family  income  to 
the  individual  family  income,  and  again  reducing  the  different 
families  to  their  constituent  members,  we  find  a  per  capita  for 
the  family  as  follows  (page  945) :  — 


Number  of 
Families. 


Per  Cent. 


Less  than  $2.00, 
$2  to  12.99. 
S3  to  S3.99, 
$4  to  $4.99, 
$5  to  $5.99, 
$6  to  $6.99, 
$7  to  $7.99, 
$8  and  over. 
Total, 


8.7 
19.3 
25.0 
18.0 
14.7 
8.3 
3.7 
2.3 


300 


100.0 


Table,  p.  745,  which  analyzes  income  of  302  families  gives  average  income,  $1,243. 


206  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

From  these  figures  it  is  seen  that  an  almost  neghgible  pro- 
portion of  these  women  belong  to  families  who  were  comfortably 
circumstanced,  while  in  a  very  considerable  proportion  of  the 
cases  the  unmarried  women  were  carrying  a  crushing  family 
burden. 

D.    The  Human  Situation. 

The  federal  report  makes  a  detailed  statement  concerning 
622  ^  cases  in  which  there  is  either  a  mother,  a  child  or  an 
unmarried  woman  at  w^ork  in  the  cotton  mills  of  Massachusetts. 
From  these  elaborate  tables  the  following  cases  are  selected  as 
indicating  something  of  the  human  situation  hidden  away  in 
the  foregoing  figures :  — 

No.  73,  of  Table  XXIX,  a  little  girl  of  fourteen,  German, 
whose  father  (a  teamster)  earned  $450  during  the  year,  the 
child  earning  $75.  Family  income,  $525,  with  5  in  family, 
which  gave  a  per  capita,  less  the  child's  earnings,  of  $1.73  per 
week  (page  836). 

No.  100,  a  French-Canadian  family  of  8,  with  one  girl  under 
sixteen  at  work.  Father  (a  teamster)  earned  $402,  and  the 
child  earned  $102;  total  earned  by  family,  $504.  Family 
income,  less  the  child's  earnings,  a  per  capita  of  97  cents  a  week 
(page  838). 

Another  French-Canadian  family  (No.  112)  of  9  members; 
father  earns  $375  as  a  weaver,  and  2  children,  fourteen  and 
fifteen,  earn  $285;  total  family  income,  $660.  They  paid  $169 
for  rent.     Per  capita,  less  earnings  of  children,  $0.80  (page  838). 

No.  187,  an  English  family,  has  a  girl  of  fifteen  at  work.  The 
father,  a  weaver,  earns  $536,  the  mother  earns  $108  and  the 
child  $89;  total  family  income,  $733.  There  are  9  in  family, 
rent  costs  $84,  and  the  weekly  per  capita,  less  the  child's  earn- 
ings, is  $1.38. 

Another  family.  No.  193,  Irish,  has  a  girl  of  fifteen  at  work. 
The  father  is  dead,  the  mother  earns  $280  and  the  child  $192; 
total  income,  $472.  Rent,  $72.  The  2  younger  children  are 
at  school.     Weekly  per  capita,  less  the  child's  earnings,  is  $1.35. 

Still  another.  No.  197,  an  Irish  girl  of  fifteen  is  the  sole  sup- 
port of  her  mother.    The  child's  earnings  amounted  to  $162; 

1  Families  which  contain  2  or  3  of  the  class  whose  family  budget  is  analyzed  are  tabulated 
two  or  three  times.    Hence  an  analysis  of  622  cases  is  based  upon  438  family  budget  schedules. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  207 

$35  was  contributed  from  some  other  source;  $130  was  paid  for 
rent,  leaving  $57  for  all  other  expenses  of  2  persons. 

In  contrast  to  the  above  cases  may  be  cited  the  case  of  No. 
198,  another  Irish  girl  of  fifteen,  earning  $247  as  a  spooler. 
Her  father  was  a  real  estate  agent,  earning  $1,200;  the  older 
children  were  at  work  and  the  family  income  was  $4,137.  Over 
and  above  this  the  family  owned  their  own  home.  In  this  case 
the  per  capita  income,  exclusive  of  the  fifteen-year-old  girl's 
earnings,  was  $14.96. 

This  case,  however,  is  a  solitary  exception,  but  serves  admir- 
ably to  illustrate  the  misleading  character  of  an  average  which 
combines  the  resources  of  widely  divergent  human  situations. 

As  illustrating  the  case  of  widows  supporting  young  children, 
we  find  No.  2,  Table  XXXI.,  a  French-Canadian  twenty-eight 
years  of  age,  with  2  children  under  nine,  who  earned  $396;  $31 
was  supplied  from  some  other  source,  the  family  of  3  persons 
subsisting  on  $427,  of  which  $78  went  for  rent. 

Another  instance,  No.  24,  is  a  widow,  a  laundress,  thirty-nine, 
Irish,  with  3  young  children,  one  of  them,  fourteen  and  at 
work;  the  mother  earned  $280  and  the  child  $192,  —  a  total 
of  $472  for  4  persons.     Rent,  $72. 

Among  the  96  families  of  which  the  mother  is  at  work,  are 
only  4  in  which  the  per  capita,  minus  her  earnings,  are  over 
$6  a  week,  and  only  4  w^hose  earnings  per  capita  are  between 
$5  and  $6.  In  the  remaining  88  cases  the  need  of  the  mother's 
contribution  is  urgent. 

As  illustrating  the  burdens  carried  by  single  women,  we  note 
in  Table  XXX.  (No.  297)  a  weaver  thirty-nine  years  of  age, 
who  supports  her  mother  upon  an  income  of  $426.  Rent  was 
$96  (page  960). 

Another  woman  of  thirty-four,  EngUsh  (No.  294),  supports 
an  incapacitated  father  on  an  income  of  $350.  Rent  was  $91 
(page  960). 

A  similar  case  (No.  296)  was  a  young  woman  of  thirty-six 
who  supported  her  mother  on  an  income  of  $341.  However, 
these  owned  their  own  home  (page  960). 

Again,  No.  282,  a  girl  of  twenty-eight  supports  her  mother 
on  an  income  of  $309.     Rent,  $96  (page  960). 

Another  case.  No.  272,  is  an  Irish  girl  of  twenty-four,  whose 


208  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  .  [Jan. 

father,  a  laborer,  earned  only  $200.  With  his  daughter's  wages 
to  supplement,  the  family  income  was  only  $554,  with  4  to 
support,  and  $114  paid  for  rent  (page  960). 

And  another  such  is  No.  269,  a  French-Canadian  girl  of 
twenty-four,  whose  father  earned  only  $262  as  a  sweeper;  the 
daughter  earned  $285,  —  a  total  of  $547  for  4  persons,  with 
$104  paid  for  rent  (page  960). 

While  these  cases  are  extreme  they  are  by  no  means  excep- 
tional. Indeed,  the  families  which  enjoy  a  decided  degree  of 
financial  well-being  have  among  them  but  one  child  below  the 
working  age,  while  very  frequently  every  member  of  the  family 
group  is  a  wage  earner. 

E.    Remarks. 

The  crux  of  the  cotton  manufacturing  situation  in  Massachu- 
setts is  the  abundance  of  foreign  labor,  cheap  both  because  the 
standard  of  living  brought  to  this  country  is  low,  and  also 
because,  being  ignorant  of  the  ways  of  the  country  and  speak- 
ing a  foreign  tongue,  these  immigrants  are  in  no  position  to 
defend  themselves  against  exploitation.  The  oppressed  of  all 
nations,  they  have  flocked  to  this  part  of  the  world  because  the 
cotton  industry  is  here  to  employ  them,  while  the  cotton  indus- 
try is  here  because  of  their  cheap  labor.  The  low  wages  of  the 
men  make  the  labor  of  their  wives  and  children  a  necessity, 
and  it  is  the  competition  of  the  wives  and  children  which  pulls 
down  the  men's  wages.  Here  is  a  vicious  circle  whose  results 
must  ramify  far  and  wide  in  industry  and  in  the  social  body. 

Moreover,  if  low  wages  are  bad,  irregular  earnings,  perhaps, 
are  worse.  And  both  these  evils  prevail  to  an  acute  degree  in 
the  cotton  industry.  Many  industries,  conceivably,  by  organ- 
izing production,  can  arrange  for  steady  employment  of  their 
labor  force.  Such  methods  are  a  feature  of  scientific  manage- 
ment which  presents  a  hopeful  field  for  human  betterment. 
But  in  the  cotton  industry,  which  is  not  only  interstate  but 
international,  and  whose  costs  are  determined  by  severe  com- 
petition with  the  cheapest  labor  in  Europe  and  Asia,  it  may 
well  be  that  there  is  little  room  for  improvement  in  the  wages, 
or  for  a  steadying  of  employment.  Thus  the  industry  may  be 
one  in  which  the  employees  will  eternally  be  at  a  disadvantage, 
and  in  which  it  must  be  conceded  the  application  of  a  mini- 
mum-wage level  will  be  peculiarly  bailing. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  209 


APPENDIX  D. 


WHAT  IS  A  LIVING  WAGE? 


Prepared  by  Elizabeth  G.  Evans,  op  the  Commission. 

PAGE 

I.  Wages  and  Living  Conditions  of  Working  Women,   .       .  209 

II.  The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers,         .       .       .       .214 

HI.     Making  Both  Ends  meet, 220 

IV.  Necessary  Expenditure  for  Clothing  by  Store  Girls,          .  221 

V.    Social  Workers'  Estimate, 222 

VI.    The  Standard  of  Living, 228 

VII.  Comparative  Cost  of  Living  in  Different  Localities,          .  234 

VIII.     Causes  of  Destitution, 235 

IX.  Earnings  of  Women  Applicants  for  Relief,  ....  236 


The  question,  what  is  a  living  wage,  becomes  fundamental 
when  a  minimum  wage  is  under  discussion.  A  digest  of  some 
of  the  information  which  is  available  on  the  question  is  here 
presented.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  the  data,  while 
considered  of  value,  are  not  believed  to  be  a  sufficient  basis  for 
a  definite  judgment  in  the  matter.  Moreover,  in  so  far  as 
the  figures  deal  in  averages,  they  are  of  necessity  misleading. 

I.  Wages  and  Living  Conditions  of  Working  Women. 
A  Federal  Investigation. 
Volume  V.  of  the  federal  investigation,  "Woman  and  Child 
Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,"  is  a  study  of  the  wages 
and  living  conditions  of  women  in  stores  and  factories.  It 
presents  an  analysis  of  the  earnings,  expenditures  and  ways 
of  living  of  7,893  self-supporting  women  in  7  large  cities.  The 
following  table  shows  the  number  and  proportion  of  those  liv- 
ing at  home  and  those  adrift. 


210 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


g 

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1 

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1     ss 

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1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


211 


Married  women  who  support  the  family,  and  others  who  are 
the  head  of  a  household,  are  classed  as  adrift.  The  average 
number  adrift  in  the  7  cities  was  16  per  cent.  The  proportion 
adrift  was  largest  in  Boston,  where  it  rises  to  more  than  one- 
third  of  the  store  women  and  more  than  one-quarter  of  the 
factory  women,  or  to  29.3  per  cent,  of  the  two  classes  taken 
together.  The  number  of  store  and  factory  women  employed 
in  the  7  cities  is  estimated  at  somewhat  above  400,000,  and  if 
the  findings  in  regard  to  the  cases  investigated  are  taken  as 
applicable  to  the  rest,  the  number  adrift  should  be  approxi- 
mately 65,000. 

In  Boston  where  the  number  of  women  employed  in  stores 
and  factories  is  estimated  at  70,339,  by  the  same  line  of  argu- 
ment the  number  adrift  should  be  approximately  20,609. 
These  figures  show  how  considerable  is  the  number  of  women 
who  cannot  be  disposed  of  as  an  item  in  a  family  unit.  Never- 
theless, abundant  evidence  was  gathered  in  the  course  of  the 
investigation  that  wages  were  openly  assumed  by  employers 
to  be  insufiicient  for  a  woman  whose  family  did  not  assist  in 
her  maintenance.  One  department  store  manager  said,  "When 
inexperienced  girls  apply  for  positions  I  always  tell  them  that 
unless  they  have  some  one  to  help  in  their  support  they  cannot 
live  on  the  wage  we  can  afford  to  pay." 

The  ways  of  living  of  the  adrift  group  were  as  follows:  — 


Private 

Families 

(Per  Cent.). 

Organized 

Boarding 

House 

(Per  Cent.). 

Keeping 

House 

(Per  Cent.). 

Boarding 

or 

Lodgers 

(Per  Cent.). 

Boston, 

New  York 

Philadelphia,         .... 

Chicago 

Minneapolis  and  St.  Paul,    . 

St.  Louis, 

17.4 
38.5 
49.8 
61.8 
22.7 
23.0 

11.4 
19.1 

5.9 
16.6 
14.3 

14.6 

40.5 

24.6 

4.6 

2.4 
15.3 

56.6 
11.8 
25.6 

27.7 
58.3 
47.4 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  proportion  who  are  lodging  or 
boarding  is  larger  in  Boston  than  in  any  other  city,  and  the 
proportion  in  private  families  or  in  organized  boarding  houses 
next  to  the  smallest. 


212 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


The  Boston  investigation  was  made  in  January  and  February 
of  1909,  and  was  based  upon  data  secured  from  1,172  persons' 
engaged  in  51  occupations.  Approximately  27,000  women  are 
engaged  in  the  classes  of  industry  represented,  or  5,682  store 
women  and  21,075  factory  women.  Analysis  of  the  findings 
shows:  — 


Average 
Age. 

Experi- 
ence 

(Years). 

Weekly 
Earn- 
ings. 

Contri- 
bution 

to 
Fam- 
ily. 

Cost  of 
Food, 
Shelter, 
Laun- 
dry, etc. 

Con- 
tributed 

to 
Needy 
Rel- 
atives. 

Stores: — 
Living  at  home  (64.2  per  cent. ) , 

24.1 

5.2 

$6  71 

$4  83 

_ 

Adrift  (35.8  per  cent.),    . 

28.6 

7.3 

8  42 

- 

$5  05 

17.9 

Factories:  — 
Living  at  home  (74.7  per  cent.), 

22.6 

5.1 

6  47 

5  16 

- 

- 

Adrift  (25.3  per  cent.),    . 

29.1 

8.5 

6  76 

- 

4  18 

21.5 

It  is  manifestly  impossible  to  ascertain  the  cost  of  living  of 
the  at  home  group,  who  commonly  turn  in  all  their  earnings 
and  share  the  family  fortunes  in  its  prosperity  or  adversity, 
irrespective  of  the  amount  of  their  contributions. 

Concentrating  attention,  then,  on  the  adrift  group,  who  aver- 
age 29.3  per  cent,  of  the  store  and  factory  group  taken  together, 
or  approximately  20,000  persons,  we  find  as  to  earnings :  — 


m 

Stores 
(Per  Cent.). 

Factories 
(Per  Cent.). 

Under  S4, '    .         .         . 

1.2 

7.7 

$4-$5.99 

17.9 

24.6 

$6-87.99 

33.3 

45.4 

$8-$9.99 

27.4 

13.1 

$1(>-$11.99, 

5.9 

6.9 

$12  and  over 

14.3 

2.3 

The  cost  of  Hving  of  the  adrift  group  was  as  follows: 


fl 


Cost  of  Living. 


Private  family, 
Organized  boarding  house. 
Keeping  house, 
Lodging  or  boarding, 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  213 

Should  the  findings  of  this  investigation  hold  generally  true, 
between  11,000  and  12,000  girls  and  women  should  be  living 
in  lodgings  and  boarding  at  an  average  cost  of  S5.18  for  prime 
necessities  and  with  only  $2.24  for  clothing  and  other  expenses. 

Of  the  store  women,  4.8  per  cent.,  and  of  the  factory  women, 
12.3  per  cent,  had  manifestly  insufficient  food  or  housing  or 
both,  and  there  were  only  11.9  per  cent,  of  the  former  and  13.1 
per  cent,  of  the  latter  whose  living  conditions  were  classed  as 
excellent. 

These  store  employees  whose  food  or  housing  were  classed 
as  bad  were  earning  S5.31  and  spending  $4.33  for  the  prime 
necessities,  leaving  less  than  $1  for  all  other  expenses. 

"Where  would  we  get  our  clothes  if  we  bought  meat  every 
day?"  was  the  answer  given  by  one  girl  when  questioned  as  to 
her  expenses.  "You  see,  I  am  dieting,"  said  another,  in 
explanation  of  a  2-cent  check  for  her  lunch  at  a  cafeteria.  Few 
women  who  get  their  own  meals,  it  is  believed,  have  an  ade- 
quate breakfast. 

However,  taking  the  good  and  fair  conditions  together,  83.2 
per  cent,  of  the  store  employees  were  so  classed  as  to  their 
living  conditions.  Their  weekly  earnings  were  $8.37  and  their 
expense  for  food,  shelter,  etc.,  was  $5;  17.1  per  cent,  were  con- 
tributing to  the  maintenance  of  others.  Of  the  factory  em- 
ployees food  and  housing  were  both  classed  as  good  for  74.6 
per  cent.;  their  weekly  average  earnings  were  $6.97  and  their 
average  expenditure  for  prime  necessities  was  $4.35;  but  14.81 
per  cent.'  were  living  in  private  families  or  organized  boarding 
houses,  and  were  thus  to  some  extent  subsidized,  which  must 
unduly  reduce  the  average. 

Although  more  than  half  of  the  adrift  women  live  in  lodg- 
ings or  boarding  houses  —  numbering,  be  it  remembered,  per- 
haps between  11,000  and  12,000  girls  and  women,  —  two-thirds 
of  them  lack  the  use  of  a  sitting  room  and  must  entertain  men 
as  well  as  women  in  their  bedrooms.  Not  a  few  indications 
were  seen  in  the  course  of  the  investigation  of  the  demoralizing 
results  of  this  practice.  Many  of  the  women  in  lodgings  or  at 
boarding  houses  were  young  and  were  friendless  and  were  earn- 
ing very  low  pay.  Eighteen  per  cent,  of  those  who  were  re- 
ported without  the  use  of  a  sitting  room  were  under  twenty- 


214  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

five.  The  housing  or  food  or  both  were  reported  as  bad  for  a 
number  of  these  perilously  defenseless  young  women. 

The  small  amount  available  for  amusement  on  the  wages 
which  women  earn  is  obvious;  59.5  per  cent,  of  the  store  women 
who  were  adrift  spent  only  an  average  of  36  cents  a  week  on 
amusement,  and  45.4  per  cent,  of  the  factory  workers  spent 
only  29  cents  a  week.  Another  investigation  of  1,568  Boston 
women,  from  which  the  federal  report  quotes,  showed  that  22.3 
per  cent,  of  store  and  factory  workers  spent  only  37  cents  a 
week  on  amusement,  and  that  62  per  cent,  spent  nothing  at 
all,  —  "it  took  all  their  money  just  to  live." 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  14.6  per  cent,  of  the  women  adrift  were 
living  in  homes  of  their  own  making  and  had  others  dependent 
on  them.  They  were  supporting  an  average  of  almost  2  per- 
sons apiece.  This  group  spends  an  average  of  $3.18  as  their 
share  of  the  rent,  food,  light,  fuel  and  laundry.  Their  average 
earnings  are  S6.57,  which  leaves  an  average  of  only  $3.39  for 
all  other  expenses.  There  is  no  margin  for  recreation.  House- 
work and  mending  must  be  done  in  the  evening.  A  few  even 
take  in  washing.  Yet  some  of  these  are  only  young  girls  whose 
desire  for  pleasure  is  as  keen  as  that  of  their  more  fortunate 
sisters.  U 

Most  deplorable  of  all,  perhaps,  is  the  inability  of  the  average 
woman  wage  earner  to  make  provision  from  her  meager  earn- 
ings for  sickness,  lack  of  work  or  old  age.  Many  cases  of  extreme 
destitution  from  these  causes  were  encountered  in  the  course 
of  this  investigation.  The  earning  power  of  women  declines 
after  twenty  years  in  industry,  —  as  the  investigation  states. 
Instances  were  cited  of  elderly  women  who  "  have  worked  faith- 
fully and  honorably  all  their  lives,  but  have  not  been  able  to 
earn  more  than  enough  for  their  daily  living  and  a  poor  one  at 
that,"  —  an  unreasonable  outcome  of  a  life  of  industry. 


II.    The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers.^ 

This  study  of  actual  expenditures  of  women  workers  is  based 

upon  detailed  accounts  of  450  wage-earning  women  in  the  city 

of  Boston.    Material  was  collected  by  budget  schedules  and 

personal  interviews  during  the  years  1907  and  1909,  and  was 

*  A  study  by  the  research  department  of  the  Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union. 


I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  215 

published  in  the  spring  of  1911.  The  findings,  though  Hmited 
in  scope,  are  believed  by  those  having  the  investigation  in 
charge  to  be  thoroughly  representative  of  living  conditions 
among  working  women  of  all  ranks  in  Boston.  But  due  allow- 
ance must  be  made  for  the  small  number  on  which  the  general- 
izations are  based,  and  for  the  imperfect  nature  of  all  conclusions 
based  on  averages.  The  inquiry  included  37  professional 
women,  143  clerical,  49  sales,  88  factory,  64  waitresses  and 
18  kitchen  workers. 

Dividing  the  above  into  wage  groups  and  classifying  their 
expenses  we  find :  — 


216 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Deficit 

or 
Exces 
of  Ex- 
pendi- 
ture over 
Income. 

$79  63 
46  16 
10  74 

Surplus 
of  In- 
come 
over 
Ex- 
pendi- 
ture. 

$33  22 
163  79 

Total 
Aver- 
age Ex- 
pendi- 
ture. 

$310  99 
396  31 
504  28 
596  06 
721  52 

o 

Per 
Cent, 
of  In- 
come. 

23.09 
19.81 
23.70 
15.56 
15.72 

1 

a 
§ 

a 

< 

$53  43 
69  36 

117  06 
97  93 

139  21 

i 

Per 
Cent, 
of  In- 
come. 

3.87 
2.18 
6.41 
13.46 
15.35 

J" 

i 

S 
< 

$8  96 
7  64 
31  63 
84  72 
135  91 

Per 

Cent, 
of  In- 
come. 

5.80 
5.37 
4.48 
3.64 
1.89 

1 

a 

a 
< 

$13  43 
18  81 
22  09 
22  91 
16  75 

^ 
i 

^ 

6 

6 

Per 
Cent, 
of  In- 
come. 

21.80 
18.97 
18.03 
16.82 
12.24 

3 
O 

a 
< 

$50  41 
66  44 
88  99 
105  87 
108  40 

N 

s 

^ 

S 

Per 
Cent, 
of  In- 
come. 

21.56 
20.51 
15.16 
14.88 
13.04 

1 

i 

$49  87 
71  83 
74  81 
93  66 

115  59 

^ 

1 

Per 
Cent, 
of  In- 
come. 

58.30 
46.33 
34.38 
30.35 
23.23 

i 

$134  89 
162  23 
169  70 
190  97 
205  66 

§0        "^ 

$231  36 
350  15 
493  54 
629  28 
885  31 

O 

$3-$5,       . 
$6-$8,       . 
$9-$ll,      . 
$12-$14,    . 
$15  and  over,  . 

1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  217 

By  the  above  table  it  is  seen  that  the  per  cent,  of  income 
spent  upon  the  prime  necessities  falls  steadily  with  increase  of 
income,  while  the  gross  outlay  for  these  purposes  in  some  cases 
more  than  doubles.  Also  it  is  significant  that  the  sum  spent 
for  health  increases  up  to  the  $13  group  and  above  that  falls 
off,  indicating  that  the  lowest  wages  did  not  permit  of  medical 
treatment,  while  higher  wages  tend  to  diminish  the  need  of 
such  treatment.  It  is  further  to  be  noted  that  the  increased 
outlay  for  food  is  large  from  the  lowest  wage  group  up  to  that 
earning  from  $6  to  $8,  and  the  increase  is  slight  between  that 
group  and  the  one  earning  from  $10  to  $11,  indicating  that  up 
to  $8  the  larger  income  is  chiefly  used  to  buy  better  food,  while 
the  more  pressing  needs  on  that  score  are  met  by  a  $9  wage. 

Dividing  the  groups  according  to  occupations,  it  is  found  that 
the  professional  women  spent  on  the  average  $3.70  a  week  for 
board,  the  clerical,  $3.35,  the  saleswoman,  $3.16,  and  the  fac- 
tory worker  only  $2.84.  "The  cheapest  way  of  providing  food 
is,  of  course,  to  buy  raw  material  and  cook  it  at  home.  Many 
landladies  w^ill  not  allow  lodgers  to  cook  in  their  rooms,  but, 
nevertheless,  the  woman  who  depends  upon  doing  so  can  always 
find  lodgings  where  she  may  have  this  privilege.  Sometimes 
50  cents  a  week  extra  is  charged  for  the  room  if  cooking  is  to 
be  done.  Sometimes,  though  chiefly  in  the  suburbs,  the  use  of 
the  kitchen  is  granted.    Often  an  oil  stove  solves  the  problem. 

"The  weekly  cost  of  food  provided  in  this  way  is  frequently 
very  small.  Three  sisters,  all  earning  fairly  good  wages,  who 
have  a  small  suite  together,  state  that  it  costs  them  about  $1.25 
a  week  for  breakfasts  and  dinners.  They  are  all  strong  and 
well,  and  adequately  fed.  The  almost  absolute  lack  of  waste 
makes  economical  living  possible.  On  the  other  hand,  however, 
an  ignorant  girl,  not  capable  of  good  management  of  her  food 
suppHes,  may,  in  the  end,  find  boarding  herself  anything  but 
economical.  'We  tried  boarding  ourselves,'  said  three  Jamaica 
Plain  shoe  factory  girls,  '  but  we  bought  so  much  stuff  from  the 
baker's  windows,  because  it  was  easy  to  get  and  we  were  tired, 
that  we  all  got  sick,  had  doctors'  bills  to  pay,  and  went  in  debt. 
So  now  we  find  the  only  way  to  get  along  is  by  waiting  on  table 
for  our  board.  It's  hard  work,  after  factory  hours,  but  at  least 
we  get  enough  food  and  don't  get  sick.' 


218  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

"It  is  true  that  a  smaller  amount  spent  for  food  may  mean 
very  much  more  adequate  nourishment  when  the  cooking  is 
done  at  home.  It  is  a  question,  however,  whether  the  expendi- 
tm*e  of  strength  which  this  exacts  from  a  tired  woman  does  not 
offset  the  advantage  of  more  wholesome  food.  The  landlady 
of  one  girl  remarked,  ^Miss  I often  doesn't  have  any  din- 
ners. She  gets  home  at  7  p.m.  from  the  factory,  and  is  too  tired 
either  to  go  out  to  dinner,  and  climb  the  five  long  flights  to 
her  room,  or  to  cook  anything  for  herself.'  And  this  is  not  an 
infrequent  case.  'I  know  that  I  ought  to  get  my  meals  regu- 
larly,' said  another  girl,  'but  when  I  get  home  I  am  so  tired 
that  I  don't  feel  like  fussing  to  go  out  and  buy  stuff  and  bring 
it  home  and  cook  it. '  " 

In  rent  as  in  food  the  amount  spent  rises  with  income  while 
the  per  cent,  falls.  The  first  increase  in  incomes  goes  largely 
for  better  lodging  as  was  the  case  in  food.  When  the  income 
reaches  $9  to  $11,  there  is  a  sharp  drop  in  per  cent,  of  income 
spent  for  rent,  indicating  that  the  essential  decencies  and  com- 
forts have  been  achieved.  Square  rooms,  it  is  stated,  can  be  had 
sometimes  for  $3,  $3.50  and  $4.  Hall  bedrooms,  of  course,  are 
cheaper  and  (especially  if  on  an  upper  story)  may  be  had  for 
$1,  or  even  sometimes  for  75  cents,  a  week.  But  they  would, 
of  course,  be  a  wretched  place  to  live,  where  the  bedroom  must 
constitute  the  home.  Dollars  and  cents,  however,  do  not  tell 
the  whole  story  as  to  rent,  for  one-quarter  of  the  professional 
women,  one-third  of  the  factory  and  two-thirds  of  the  clerical 
women,  live  in  the  suburbs. 

Another  form  of  economy  in  rent  is  a  roommate.  "But  this 
is  at  a  cost  of  privacy  and  independence  which  make  it  doubtful 
whether  a  large  room  shared  in  this  way  is  any  more  adequate 
than  a  small,  unheated  room  held  in  sole  possession.  The  tables 
show^  that  16  out  of  28  professional  women  report  no  roommate; 
11  report  one  roommate;  1  reports  two.  The  clerical  division 
shows  only  13  out  of  62  reporting  no  roommate;  30  share  their 
room  with  one;  19  share  with  two  or  more.  Salesgirls  in  this 
respect  apparently  preserve  a  much  more  adequate  standard. 
Thirty-one  out  of  52  report  a  room  to  themselves;  16  have  one 
roommate;  5  have  two  or  more.  Factory  girls  report  17  out 
of  57  living  in  single  rooms,  25  sharing  with  one,  15  with  two. 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  219 

The  fact  that  62  per  cent,  of  the  entire  number  of. women  are 
Uving  two  or  more  in  a  room  adequately  explains  the  generally 
low  average  of  expenditure  for  rent.  The  wear  and  tear  on  an 
individual  is  doubtless  very  much  less  when  she  lives  with  mem- 
bers of  her  own  family  and  not  with  strangers.  In  a  total  of 
134  cases  of  girls  not  living  alone  in  their  rooms,  43  live  with 
relatives. 

"A  living  wage  can,  perhaps,  purchase  nothing  which  is  of 
greater  value  than  the  luxury  —  which  should  really  be  con- 
sidered a  necessity  —  of  a  room  to  one's  self.  Sharing  one's 
room  is  the  easiest,  and,  as  the  tables  show,  the  most  common 
way,  of  reducing  rent  expenses.  By  doing  so  a  girl  can  afford 
a  room  that  would  otherwise  be  beyond  her  means,  in  point  of 
size,  warmth,  comfortable  furnishing  and  general  good  sur- 
roundings, both  in  the  house  and  the  quarter  of  the  city  in 
which  it  is  situated.  Individual  taste  varies  in  no  respect  more 
than  in  these  details.  Some  women  are  happier  in  a  cold  attic 
room  in  an  attractive  part  of  the  city  than  in  an  entirely  com- 
fortable place  where  the  sights  and  sounds  around  them,  and 
the  atmosphere  of  the  street  through  which  they  have  to  pass, 
are  distasteful.  Others  care  little  about  exterior  surroundings 
that  do  not  touch  them  directly,  provided  that  they  are  satis- 
fied with  their  own  corner.  "- 

Expenditures  for  recreation  show  no  regularity  of  increase 
with  increasing  income,  although  it  is  the  professional  woman 
who  spends  the  most  for  car  fares  and  incidental  expenses  and 
gives  the  most  to  church,  charity  and  support  of  others.  But 
she  spends  little  for  education,  this  presumably  having  been 
acquired  and  paid  for  in  the  past.  It  is  the  clerical  woman 
who  spends  the  most  for  education,  while  saleswomen  spend 
almost  as  much.  The  amount  spent  on  others  rises  from  $28.83 
to  $236.40,  the  figures  increasing  with  the  rising  wage.  There 
are,  however,  as  might  be  expected,  great  irregularities  in  this 
item.  The  average  beneficence  of  the  highest  wage  group  is 
not  materially  higher  than  of  that  earning  $9. 

In  summing  up  the  miscellaneous  expenditures,  including 
recreation,  education,  church,  etc.,  it  is  stated,  "According  to 
these  figures,  then,  the  average  working  woman  does  not  squan- 
der her  income  above  the  necessities  of  life  on  frivolity  and 


220  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

pleasure,  as  is  frequently  assumed,  but,  beyond  a  reasonable 
amount  spent  on  herself,  devotes  a  much  larger  sum  to  the 
welfare  of  others." 

From  $9  to  $11  is  believed  from  this  study  of  budgets  to  be 
the  living  minimum  wage  for  women.  In  this  group  the  aver- 
age income  and  the  average  expenses  approximately  balance 
each  other,  whereas  in  the  two  groups  where  there  is  a  lower 
scale  there  is  a  deficit,  and  in  the  two  classes  above  a  surplus. 
This  minimum  wage,  it  should  be  noted,  allows  $31.63  for  sav- 
ings. 

Five-sixths  of  the  women  did  a  part  of  their  own  dressmaking 
and  mending  and  a  part  or  all  of  their  laundering.  The  modest 
sums  spent  for  clothing,  $50.41  for  the  lowest  income  group  and 
only  $108.40  for  the  group  earning  $15  a  week  and  over,  is 
commended  to  all  who  hold  the  belief  that  working  women  are 
extravagant  in  their  clothes. 

III.    Making  Both  Ends  meet. 

By  Sub  Ainslie  Clabk  and  Edith  Wyatt. 

This  is  a  very  live  document  compiled  from  a  study  of  facts 
and  set  forth  with  admirable  skill.  The  first  chapter,  "Income 
and  Outlay,"  is  a  study  of  budgets  of  self-supporting  women, 
the  material  for  which  was  gathered  by  the  National  Consumer's 
League.  One  chronicle,  that  of  Miss  Grace  Carr,  suffices  to 
show  the  rigid  self-denial  imposed  upon  a  person  who  is  obliged 
to  maintain  herself  on  $6  a  week. 

Miss  Carr,  who  was  thirty-five  at  the  time  of  the  investiga- 
tion, had  formerly  earned  $12  a  week  in  a  knitting  factory,  but 
the  hours  were  long  (ten  to  thirteen),  and  after  five  years  there 
she  was  coughing  and  raising  blood,  so  she  had  to  leave,  and  it 
was  a  year  before  she  was  able  to  work  again.  Now  for  six 
years  she  has  been  saleswoman  in  a  shoe  department  of  a  large 
store,  —  a  store  decidedly  humane  in  its  management,  with  a 
nurse  and  doctor  and  social  secretary,  and  which  showed  great 
kindness  to  Miss  Carr  during  a  period  of  illness  the  summer  pre- 
ceding the  investigation.  She  lived  in  a  furnished  room  with 
two  other  women,  each  paying  a  dollar  a  week.  She  cared 
nothing  for  her  fellow  lodgers;  her  only  reason  for  spending 
her  time  with  them  in  such  close  quarters  was  her  need  of  liv- 
ing cheaply.     She  cooked  her  breakfast  and   supper  in  the 


d 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


221 


crowded  room  at  an  expense  of  $1.95  a  week.  She  said  that 
her  hearty  meal  was  a  noon  dinner,  for  which  she  paid  in  a 
restaurant  15  cents  a  day.  She  had  recently  joined  a  benefit 
association  to  which  she  paid  50  cents  a  month.  Her  weekly 
budget  was:  lodging,  $1;  board,  $1.95;  luncheons,  $1.05;  insur- 
ance, 21  cents;  clothing,  contributions  to  church,  occasional 
car  fare,  and  other  expenses,  $1.79;  total,  $6.  Her  room  was 
within  walking  distance  of  the  store,  so  that  she  spent  nothing 
for  car  fare.  The  services  and  social  life  of  a  church  were  her 
chief  happiness.  Besides  her  contributions  to  its  support  she 
had  spent  only  $1  a  year  on  "good  times.''  She  did  her  own 
washing.  "She  was  very  w^orn,  thin,  and  wrinkled  with  hard 
work,  severe  economies,  and  anxiety,  although  she  was  still  in 
what  should  have  been  the  prime  of  life." 

IV.    Necessary   Ekfenditures    for   Clothing   by    Store 

Girls. 
The  following  statements  of  outlay  for  clothing  required  by 
the  position  was  gathered  by  the  investigators  from  store  girls 
in  Boston.     It  is  to  be  noted  that  neither  street  clothes  nor 
underclothes  are  covered. 


No.  1.    Stock  Girl 
One-piece  dress, 

1  skirt,         .... 
6  white  waists  at  $1, 
4  collars  at  25  cents, 

2  belts,  ro  and  50  cents,  . 

3  pairs  of  shoes  at  $2, 
Mending  of  shoes,  40  cents 

a  pair,      .... 

Total,  .... 

No.  8.    Saleswoman. 

1  black  skirt, 

3  skirts  a  year,  . 

2  black  waists,   . 
9  white  waists  at  $2, 

4  pairs  of  shoes  at  $3.50, 
Belts,  collars  and  gloves. 


Total, 


$12  00 

4  00 

6  00 

1  00 

60 

6  00 

1  20 

$30  80 

$6  00 

18  00 

10  00 

18  00 

14  00 

5  00 

$65  00 

No.  2.    Stock  Girl. 
Black  one-piece  dress  for 

winter,     .        .        .        .  $10  00 

Black  skirt,         .        .        .  6  00 

6  white  waists  at  $2,        .  12  00 

1  black  waist,     .        .       .  2  00 

Belts  and  collars,       .        .  1  50 

3  pairs  of  shoes  at  $2.50,  7  50 


Total, 


$39  00 


No.  4-     Saleswornan. 

Black  skirt  and  jacket,     .  $10  00 

Black  suit  for  winter,       .  10  00 

6  white  waists  at  $2,        .  12  00 

2  black  waists,  .  .  .  10  00 
Belts,  .  .  .  .  .  1  00 
Ties  and  collars,        .       .  1  00 

3  pairs  of  shoes  at  $2.50,  7  50 


Total, 


$51  50 


222 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


No.    5.    Saleswoman    in 

Ladies 

No.  6.    Saleswoman 

. 

Costumes. 

1    black    suit    (including 

3  black  silk  waists  at  $6 

$18  00 

coat),       .... 

$15  00 

1  black  skirt  (leaves  it  a1 

1  black  skirt,      . 

4  50 

store  at  night), 

12  00 

3  black  waists  at  $2.50,    . 

7  50 

6  white  waists  at  $2.50, 

15  00 

6  white  waists  at  $1, 

6  00 

4  pairs  of  shoes  at  $4, 

16  00 

4  pairs  of  shoes  at  $3, 

12  00 

1  black  skirt  in  spring. 

10  00 

Mending  same,  40  cents  a 

2  belts  at  $1,      . 

2  00 

pair,         .... 

1  60 

Ruching  10  cents  a  week, 

5  20 

Total, 

$46  60 

Total,  .       .       . 

$78  20 

No.  7.    Saleswoman. 

No.  8.    Saleswoman 

. 

1  black  skirt,      . 

$10  00 

2  black  skirts  at  $5,  . 

$10  00 

3  black  waists  at  $3, 

9  00 

2  black  skirts  at  $3,  . 

6  00 

8  white  waists:  — 

3  white  waists  at  $2, 

6  00 

4  at  $1.50,  .       . 

6  00 

3  white  waists  at  $1, 

3  00 

4  at  $1,       .       . 

4  00 

4  pairs  of  shoes  at  $2.50, 

10  00 

3  pairs  of  shoes  at  $3, 

9  00 

Ruching,  10  cents  a  week 

Mending  same,  . 

1  60 

(a  year). 
Belts,  4  at  25  cents, 

5  20 

Total,  .       .       . 

$39  60 

1  00 

Total, 

$41  20 

V.  Social  Workers'  Estimate  of  Standard  Living  Wage. 
Some  30  social  workers  met  twice  in  conference  to  discuss  in 
detail  what  it  would  cost  a  woman  of  average  ability,  initia- 
tive and  intelligence  when  living  at  home  and  also  when  living 
away  from  home,  to  secure  the  necessary  comforts  of  life. 
The  standard  set,  it  should  be  noted,  makes  no  allowance  for 
unemployment,  sickness,  accident  or  old  age. 


Summarized, 

Weekly. 

Annual. 

Women  not  living  at  home:  — 

Rent  and  car  fares, 

Food,                 ...                          .         . 

$3  00 
4  00 
65 
1  92 
42 
54 
10 
07 

$156  00 
208  00 

27  50 

Clothing, 

100  00 

Dentistry,  doctor's  tees,  medicine  and  oculist's  fees,     . 

Recreation    (vacation   $15), 

Church,             ....--.-- 

22  09 

28  00 

6  20 

Education  (newspapers). 

3  65 

Total 

$10  60 

$4  70  to  $5  04 

52             52 

3  15         3  15 

$551  34 

Women  living  at  home:  — 
Rent,  food,  light,  heat,  furnishings  and  laundry,  . 
Car  fares,          ....                  .... 

$244  40  to  $262  08 
27  04            27  04 

163  80          163  80 

Total, 

$8  37  to  $8  71 

$435  24  to  $452  92 

1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  223 


In  Detail. 
A  Woman  not  living  at  Home. 
Rent:  $3  a  Week,  or  $156  a  Year. 
Principles  to  be  considered  in  determining  a  standard. 

She  should  have  a  window  in  her  room. 

She  should  have  a  room  larger  than  a  hall  bedroom  because 
this  room  is  her  home,  where  she  receives  her  friends 
of  both  sexes  and  passes  her  leisure. 

She  should  have  a  heated  room  and  not  have  to  rely  on 
an  oil  or  gas  stove  for  heat,  on  account  of  her  health. 

The  standard  should  not  require  her  to  live  in  one  room 
with  another  woman.  She  may  prefer  to  do  so,  but  most 
wage  earners  over  twenty-five,  where  they  can  possibly 
do  so,  room  alone,  showing  a  willingness  to  sacrifice  other 
things  for  privacy. 
Furnished  rooms  of  this  description  in  Boston  rent  for  $3 
a  week,  inclusive  of  light,  heat  and  washing  of  bed  linen. 

There  is  a  limited  supply  of  $2  and  $2.50  rooms  of  this 
description,  and  an  occasional  $1.50  room,  —  a  respect- 
able house  has  been  considered  an  essential. 

Rooms  fulfilling  the  same  requirements  outside  of  the  walk- 
ing zone  in  the  suburbs  are  cheaper  by  50  cents  to  $1 
a  week,  but  60  cents  must  be  added  for  car  fare,  not  to 
mention. the  wear  and  tear  of  travel  and  the  loss  of  time. 
Unfurnished  rooms  of  this  description  in  Boston. 

Standard  unfurnished  rooms  rent  for  $1.50  a  week  to  $2. 
A  few  rent  for  $1.25  and  a  few  in  model  tenements  rent 
for  75  cents. 

Fuel  averages  50  cents  a  week  on  a  coal  basis  which  in 
one  room  should  be  standard. 

Light  averages  7  cents  a  week  for  one  kerosene  lamp. 

Sheet  and  pillowcase  laundered  for  9  cents  a  week.  Total, 
—  66  cents  plus  $1.50  to  $2  equals  $2.16  to  $2.66. 

Furniture  represents  an  investment  that  is  hard  to  acquire. 

Furniture  is  often  a  white  elephant  during  sickness,  enforced, 
idleness,  vacation,  etc. 

The  unfurnished  rooms  involve  additional  work  after  the 
regular  day's  work. 


224  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

Co-operative  housekeeping  in  unfurnished  rooms  for  a  group 
of  women  would  be  cheaper,  but  it  is  not  practical  for 
the  average  woman.  It  is  only  occasionally  done,  and 
then  by  women  of  a  type  higher  than  the  average.  Its 
difficulties  are  the  work  involved,  the  unstability  of  the 
unit,  and  the  problem  of  furnishing.  Co-operative  liv- 
ing offers  no  basis  for  a  standard. 
Food:  $4  a  Week,  or  $208.  a  Year. 

Principles  to  be  considered  in  determining  a  standard. 

The  food  should  be  sufficient  in  quantity,  quality,  and 

variety  to  preserve  health. 
The  cost  of  food  should  not  be  based  on  more  than  one 
meal,  breakfast,  being  cooked  in  her  room  (22  agreed  to 
this,  and  5  thought  that  no  meals  should  be  cooked  in 
her  room). 
Price:  $4.  should  be  allowed  for  food. 
Breakfast  suitable  for  a  woman  worker  cooked  for  one 
woman  in  her  room  would  average,  including  kerosene, 
12  to  15  cents  (majority  agreeing  to  15  cents). 

Breakfast, 7  x  15  cents,  equals  $1  05 

Luncheon, 7  x  15  cents,  equals    1  05 

Dinner, 7  x  25  cents,  equals    1  75 

$3  85 
Fruit  and  extra  food, .  15 

Total  (week), U  00 

The  Young  Women's  Christian  Association's  charges  to 
transients  would  amount  to  $3.85  a  week  for  21  meals. 
They  are  not  trying  to  make  a  profit  and  serve  more 
persons  than  the  usual  cheap  restaurants  do.  Meal 
tickets  are  going  out  of  use.  There  are  a  few  places 
left  offering  them  for  S3.50.  The  restaurants  charge  at 
about  the  above  rates  for  single  meals. 

It  is  generally  stated  and  believed  that  women  wage  earn- 
ers living  alone  are  undernourished.  In  "The  Living 
Wage  of  Women  Workers"  the  following  figures  show 
what  the  wage  earners  investigated  spent  for  food. 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


225 


Weekly  Wage. 

Number  of 
Women. 

Spent  for  Food 
a  Week. 

$3-«5 

$6-S8 

$9-$ll 

51 
185 
102 

$2  59 
3  12 
3  26 

Board  and  lodging  with  heat  and  light  would  be  $7  a  week 
at  the  lowest  in  a  decent  boarding  house  with  a  standard 
room. 
A  standard  wage  should  not  be  affected  by  the  possibility  of 
getting  board  and  lodging  in  a  wage  earner's  family  at 
lower  rates  than  stated  above. 

A  boarder  should  not  be  expected  to  put  up  with  the  same 
privations  and  discomforts  that  might  be  tolerable  in 
her  own  family.  She  should  have  a  room  to  herself. 
In  the  ordinary  boarding  house  the  landlady  charges 
something  for  her  work.  In  the  working  man's  family 
the  girl  is  often  taken  in  out  of  compassion  for  her  in 
her  struggle  to  get  along  on  less  than  a  living  wage.  The 
wage  earner's  family  is  subsidizing  the  girl's  employer. 
The  services  of  a  housekeeper  in  such  a  family  have  an 
economic  value,  and  the  price  of  the  girl's  board  should 
include  payment  for  them,  although  it  usually  does  not. 
Laundry:  50  to  60  Cents  a  Week,  or  $25  to  $30  a  Year. 
Principles  to  be  considered  in  determining  a  standard. 

A  wage  earner's  standard  should  be  based  on  her  washing 
out  the  clothing,  which  does  not  need  to  be  ironed,  such 
as  stockings  and  under  flannels.  (About  one-quarter 
dissented,  believing  that  it  was  too  much  to  ask  a  girl 
to  wash  and  iron  after  a  long  day  of  work.) 

Laundry  privileges  are  usually  given  with  a  $2  to  $3  room^ 

The  "Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers"  gives  $18.32  as 
the  yearly  expenditure  for  laundry  of  the  102  women 
earning  a  standard  living  wage. 
Clothing:  $1.92  a  Week,  or  $100  a  Year. 
Principles  to  be  considered  in  determining  a  standard. 

The  standard  should  not  be  based  on  a  working  woman's 
making  her  own  clothes  in  the  evening.  Repairing  and 
mending  take  up  whatever  surplus  energy  there  is  left 
from  the  day's  work. 


226  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

The  "Living  Wage  of  Working  Women"  gave  $89  as  the 
expenditure  for  clothing  of  102  women  who  were  earning 
a  standard  Hving  wage.  One  hundred  dollars  a  year 
is  an  increase  of  $11  a  year,  and  might  make  dress- 
making in  the  evenings  unnecessary.  The  women  com- 
plain that  dressmaking  after  work  is  too  heavy  a  tax 
upon  their  strength. 
Dentistry,  Doctor's  Fees,  Medicine,  Oculist:  42  Cents  a  Week, 
or  $22.09  a  Year, 

Dentistry. 
The  Harvard  Dental  School  states  that  it  would  cost  on 
the  average  $10  a  year  in  materials  to  care  for  the  teeth 
of  a  woman  who  looked  after  them.  It  costs  more  to 
care  for  teeth  than  to  neglect  them  and  to  later  have 
artificial  sets.  No  dental  school  is  open  in  the  evening 
so  that  a  working  woman  must  lose  a  half  day's  pay  at 
each  sitting. 
Graduate  dentists  charge  at  least  $2  an  hour. 

Doctor's  fees,  medicine,  oculist. 
When  a  girl  goes  to  a  free  clinic  she  loses  her  pay  for  a  half 
day.    Medicine  and  glasses  are  charged  for. 

Standard  of  average  cost  of  $22.09  a  year  is  based  on  "The 
Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers"  report  of  expenditures 
for  health  of  102  women  earning  a  standard  living  wage. 
Recreation:  64  Cents  a  Week,  or  $28  a  Year. 

Vacation  $15  a  year.  Two  weeks  should  be  the  basis.  In 
many  of  the  department  stores  a  week's  vacation  is 
given,  but  practically  never  in  a  factory. 

Weekly  recreation:  25  cents  a  week,  or  $13  a  year. 
Church  Contribution:   10  Cents  a  Week,  or  $5.20  a  Year. 

The  102  women  workers  quoted  spent  $22.20  for  church, 

charity  clubs,  and  gifts,  and  the  51  women  earning  from 

$3  to  $5  spent  $7.58,  so  that  $5.20  is  under  the  present 

standard. 

Education:  7  Cents  a  Week,  or  $3.65  a  Year. 

Daily  newspaper  and  1-cent  Sunday  paper,  $3.65  a  year. 

The  102  women  quoted  above  spent  $29.86  on  education. 

The  185  earning  from  $6  to  $8  spent  $11.85,  so  that  $3.65 
is  under  the  present  standard. 


t 

I 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  227 

Car  Fares:  Nothing  allowed. 
These  have  practically  been  estimated  with  the  rent,  except 

that  a  worker  living  within  walking  distance  might  ride 

in  a  storm. 
The  102  women  quoted  who  earned  a  standard  living  wage 

spent  $27.32  a  year,  or  52  cents  a  week.    The  51  women 

earning  from  $3  to  $5  spent  $24.33  a  year,  or  47  cents 

a  week. 
Incidentah:  Nothing  allowed. 
The  102  women  quoted  spent  $16.86  for  incidentals  for  which 

no  allowance  is  made. 

A  Woman  living  at  Home. 

Rent,  Food,  Light,  Heat,  Furnishings,  Laundry:  $^.10  to  $5.04, 
or  $244  to  $262  a  Year,  is  the  Woman's  Share. 
Principles  to  be  considered  in  determining  a  standard. 
The  tenement  should  have  as  many  rooms  as  there  are 
members  of  the  family,  when  the  rooms  are  very  small, 
such  as  are  found  in  most  $3.50  tenements. 
The  economic  value  of  the  mother's  services  as  housekeeper 
should  be  recognized. 
Rent,  $3.24  to  $3.92  a  week.    This  is  based  on  Mr.  Aves'  ^ 
predominant  rent  for  a  5-room  tenement  in  Boston  for 
an  average  family  of  5. 

Rent,  $3.24  to  $3.92  a  week;  woman's  share, 
Heat,  $1.25  a  week;  woman's  share. 
Light,  $0.25  a  week;  woman's  share, 
Furniture:   interest    on    investment    of     $300; 

woman's  share, 

Furniture:  upkeep,  $25;  woman's  share, .    . 
Food,  $10;  woman's  share,      .... 


$0  65  to  $0  78 

25 

25 

05 

05 

05 

05 

10 

10 

2  00 

2  00 

$3  10  to  $3  22 
Economic  services  of  mother,  $8  to  $9.10  a  week 

(based  on  rates  for  housework) ;  woman's  share,  1  60         1  82 


$4  70  to  $5  042 


1  '*  Coat  of  Living  in  American  Towns,"  p.  113,  Report  of  an  Inquiry  by  the  Board  of 
Trade,  England,  1911, 

2  This  sum  is  computed  on  the  basis  of  actual  cost.  The  social  workers  were  unanimous 
in  believing  that  the  woman  living  at  home  should  pay  into  the  home  the  same  board  that 
she  would  have  to  pay  elsewhere,  or  S7  a  week. 


228  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

Car  Fares:    based  on  the  ''Living  Wage  of  Women 

Workers," $0  52      $0  52 

Personal  Expenses,  whether  at  Home  or  Adrift. 

Clothes, $1  92 

Dentistry,  doctor's  fees,  medicine,  oculist,  52 

Recreation  and  vacation,         ...  54  - 

Education, 07 

Church, 10 

3  15        3  15 


$8  37  to  $8  71 

VI.    Chapin's  Standard  of  Living. 

A  study  of  budgets  was  prepared  by  Prof.  Robert  Coit 
Chapin,  professor  of  economics  and  finance  of  Beloit  Univer- 
sity, Wis.,  and  was  published  in  1909  by  the  Sage  Foundation 
under  the  title,  "The  Standard  of  Living  in  New  York  City." 
From  the  mass  of  material  which  this  study  presents  a  few  of 
the  more  salient  facts  which  throw  light  upon  the  present  in- 
quiry are  here  set  forth. 

The  budgets  were  collected  in  1907  from  391  families  which 
all  contained  a  father,  a  mother,  and  not  less  than  2  nor  more 
than  4  children,  giving  an  average  membership  of  5.  The 
incomes  of  25  of  the  families  were  between  $400  and  $600,  and 
48  were  above  $1,100,  the  highest  income  being  $1,599.  The 
main  attention  in  the  study  is  given  to  the  group  of  318,  whose 
incomes  were  between  $600  and  $1,100. 

Food. 
The  standard  of  necessary  nourishment  accepted  was  that 
worked  out  by  Prof.  Frank  P.  Underbill  of  Yale  University, 
which  in  its  turn  was  based  upon  Prof.  N.  O.  Atwater's  experi- 
ments in  measuring  the  wastes  given  off  by  the  body,  and  bal- 
ancing them  against  the  chemical  ingredients  required  to  replace 
the  muscular  tissue  and  supply  heat  and  energy.  Prof.  Under- 
bill estimates  that  a  man  weighing  70  kilos  needs  from  100  to 
125  grams  of  protein  and  enough  fats  and  carbohydrates  to 
furnish  from  3,000  to  3,500  calories  a  day.  Translating  this  into 
local  retail  prices  gave  22  cents  as  the  necessary  cost  of  nour- 
ishment for  an  adult  man,  .8  of  this  sum  for  a  woman  and  a 
graduated  proportion  for  children  according  to  age  and  sex. 


J 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  229 

r 

When  the  sums  spent  for  food  fell  below  this  standard  the 
family  was  called  undernourished. 

The  average  expenditure  for  food  for  the  318  families  of 
incomes  between  $600  and  $1,099,  divided  by  income  groups 
was  as  follows :  — 

Families  with  $600  to  $699  spent  $290.10. 
Families  with  $700  to  $799  spent  $335.82. 
Families  with  $800  to  $899  spent  $359.26. 
Families  with  $900  to  $999  spent  $405.19. 
Families  with  $1,000  to  $1,099  spent  $451.46. 

Sixteen  American  families  with  incomes  between  $900  and 
$1,000  spent  an  average  of  $392.57  for  food.  The  average 
amount  spent  for  food  increases  about  $50  with  each  increase 
of  $100  in  income.  The  proportion  of  income  spent  on  food 
is  40.8  for  the  group  with  average  income  of  $452.38;  but  fam- 
ilies with  incomes  between  $500  and  $1,200  spent  close  on 
45  per  cent.  Not  until  the  income  rises  to  $1,300  does  the  per 
cent,  fall  to  42.6,  while  for  families  with  incomes  of  $1,500  the 
percentage  falls  to  36.8.  This  suggests  that  until  the  income 
reaches  the  higher  levels  the  wants  of  appetite  are  unsatisfied. 

A  comparison  of  nationalities  shows  that  the  families  which 
spend  the  largest  per  cent,  for  food  spend  the  lowest  per  cent, 
for  rent,  w^hich  suggests  that  one  prime  necessity  could  be  met 
only  by  encroaching  upon  another  prime  necessity. 

Analyzing  the  food  expenditure  on  Professor  UnderhilFs 
standard,  we  find :  — 

Of  families  with  less  than  $600,  76  per  cent,  were  underfed. 
Of  families  with  $600  to  $799..  32  per  cent,  were  underfed. 
Of  families  with  $800  to  $899,  22  per  cent,  were  underfed. 
Of  families  with  $900  to  $1,099,  9  per  cent,  were  underfed. 
Of  families  with  $1,100  and  over,  none  were  underfed. 

This  means  that  3  out  of  4  of  the  families  with  incomes 
under  $600  were  underfed,  and  that  of  these  with  incomes 
between  $600  and  $800,  1  out  of  3  were  underfed. 

H(msing. 
The  standard  of  housing  accepted  was  1|  persons  to  a  room, 
—  i.e.,  more  than  6  persons  to  4  rooms  and  more  than  4  per- 
sons to  3  rooms  was  called  overcrowding.     On  that  basis  it 


230 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


was  found  that  40  per  cent,  of  the  whole  number  were  over- 
crowded, and  58  per  cent,  of  families  with  incomes  below  $800 
were  overcrowded. 

Clothing. 
It  may  be  suggested  that  if  families  were  underfed  and  under- 
housed  it  was  because  they  were  extravagant  in  clothing.  The 
standard  accepted  was  $100,  including  some  laundering,  for 
a  family  of  2  adults  and  3  children.  The  items  are  figured  as 
follows:  — 


For  the  Man. 

For  the  Woman. 

2  hats  or  caps,   . 

$2  GO 

Ihat,  .... 

$1  5G 

1  overcoat,  1 

5  GO 

lcloak,2      .        .        . 

2  5G 

1  suit, 

IG  GG 

2  dresses  of  wash  goods. 

2  5G 

1  pair  of  pantaloons, 

2  GG 

1  woolen  dress,  . 

5  GG 

2  pairs  of  overalls,     . 

1  5G 

3  waists,      . 

1  5G 

3  working  shirts. 

1  GO 

1  petticoat, 

50 

2  white  shirts,    . 

1  GG 

Linen,  etc., . 

70 

6  collars,     . 

6G 

Summer  underwear. 

50 

4  handkerchiefs, 

3G 

6  handkerchiefs, 

45 

4  ties,  .... 

5G 

Winter  underwear,    . 

1  GO 

Summer  underwear. 

1  GG 

Gloves  or  mittens,     . 

50 

Winter  underwear,    . 

1  5G 

3  aprons,     . 

50 

6  pairs  of  hose,  . 

6G 

6  pairs  of  stockings, 

60 

2  pairs  shoes,      . 

4  GG 

2  pairs  of  shoes. 

3  00 

Repair  of  shoes. 

1  5G 

Repair  of  shoes. 

1  25 

Gloves  or  mittens,     . 

5G 

Sundries,     ... 

1  GO 

$33  GG 

$23  GO 

For  Each  Boy. 

For  the  Girl. 

2  hats, 

$G  5G 

2  hats. 

$1  25 

1  overcoat. 

2  5G 

1  cloak, 

2  GO 

1  suit, 

.      2  5G 

4  dresses  of  wash  goods, 

2  00 

1  pair  of  trousers, 

5G 

1  woolen  dress,  . 

1  50 

2  waists, 

5G 

4  waists. 

1  GO 

Summer  underwear, 

5G 

2  petticoats. 

50 

Winter  underwear,    . 

1  GG 

Summer  underwear, 

50 

6  pairs  of  stockings, 

5G 

Winter  underwear,    . 

1  GO 

2  pairs  of  shoes, 

2  GG 

Ribbons,  etc.,     . 

50 

Repair  of  shoes. 

.       1  25 

6  handkerchiefs. 

25 

Mittens, 

25 

Gloves  or  mittens,     . 

25 

$12  GG 

6  pairs  of  stockings^ 

50 

2  pairs  of  shoes. 

2  50 

Repairs  of  shoes, 

1  25 

$15  GO 

1  Costs  $10  to  $15,  lasts  tw 

o  or  three  y 

3ars.                "  Costs  $5,  lasts  two  ye 

ars. 

1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


231 


For  Washing. 
Soap,    etc.,    (15   cents   a 

week),     .       .       .        .     $7  50 
Laundry  (5  cents  a  week),      2  50 


$10  00 


Summary. 

For  the  man, 

$33  00 

For  the  woman, 

23  00 

For  2  boys,  each  $12, 

24  00 

For  1  girl,   .        .       . 

15  00 

For  washing. 

10  00 

$105  00 


According  to  this  extremely  modest  standard,  expense 
accounts  showed:  — 

Of  families  with  incomes  below  $600-group,  75  per  cent,  were  under- 
clad. 

Of  families  with  incomes  from  $600  to  $800,  57  per  cent,  were 
underclad. 

Of  families  with  incomes  from  $800  to  $900,  32  per  cent,  were  under- 
clad. 

Of  families  with  incomes  from  $900  to  $1,100,  18  per  cent,  were 
underclad. 


It  is  surprising  that  in  the  families  with  incomes  over  $1,100, 
1  in  12  was  nevertheless  underclad.  And  it  is  surprising,  too, 
that  in  all  but  the  lowest  income  group,  the  per  cent,  under- 
clad is  larger  than  the  per  cent,  who  are  underfed. 

Analysis  of  the  actual  outlay  for  clothing  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  families  according  to  income  groups  is  so  interesting  that 
it  is  worth  giving,  as  follows :  — 


Incomes. 

Father. 

Mother. 

Each 
Boy. 

Girl. 

Total. 

$40(}-$499 

J16  30 

$9  89 

Ill  11 

S9  06 

$60  65 

$500-$599, 

25  26 

14  81 

9  54 

7  88 

67  95 

$60O-$699,        . 

28  10 

17  48 

10  68 

10  90 

83  48 

$70()-$799.       . 

34  19 

20  23 

12  98 

12  23 

98  7» 

$800-$899,        . 

34  10 

22  76 

16  33 

15  96 

113  59 

$900-1999, 

40  16 

27  71 

19  29 

16  86 

132  24 

$1,000-$1,099, 

44  02 

32  25 

24  32 

24  79 

155  57 

$1,100-$1.199, 

58  06 

38  49 

19  79 

18  13 

163  80 

$1.200-$1.299, 

56  04 

41  46 

26  45 

20  15 

189  57 

$l,30O-$l,399, 

52  35 

41  81 

25  42 

28  05 

180  48 

$1,500-$1,599, 

66  47 

54  31 

31  64 

54  09 

260  97 

232  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

The  moderation  of  the  above  items,  even  for  the  higher 
income  groups,  lends  no  support  to  the  commonly  accepted 
belief  that  working  people  spend  an  undue  amount  upon  their 
backs.  In  clothing,  however,  unlike  food,  the  per  cent,  spent 
increases  steadily  with  increase  of  income. 

Savings  and  Deficit. 
Of  72  underfed  families:  — 

36,  or  50  per  cent.,  saved. 
9.  or  12  per  cent.,  had  deficit. 

27,  or  38  per  cent.,  had  balance  within  $25. 
Of  160  overcrowded  families:  — 

70,  or  44  per  cent.,  saved. 

36,  or  22  per  cent.,  had  deficit. 

54,  or  34  per  cent.,  had  balance  within  $25. 
Of  126  underclad  families:  — 

65,  or  52  per  cent.,  saved. 

21,  or  17  per  cent.,  had  deficit. 

40,  or  32  per  cent.,  had  balance  within  $25. 

Of  67  American  families,  45  per  cent,  of  those  supported 
wholly  by  the  father  reported  a  deficit.  It  is  significant  that 
the  proportion  who  live  within  their  incomes  is  larger  in  the 
underfed,  underhoused  and  underclothed  than  in  the  group 
taken  as  a  whole.  Asked  what  they  do  to  curtail  expenses, 
one  woman  said  they  lived  "principally  on  bread  and  coffee 
or  tea."  Another  said,  "I  believe  we  can  eat  more,  but  it 
has  to  be  suflficient."  Another  buys  cracked  eggs,  which  are 
**much  cheaper,  —  about  1  cent."  One  woman,  married  some 
ten  years,  had  bought  one  hat  "long  before  I  knew  him." 

Over-indulgence  in  tobacco  and  drink  was  too  infrequent  in 
the  families  studied  to  be  regarded  as  a  cause  of  low  standard 
of  living.  On  the  other  hand,  the  standard  of  management 
was  presumably  above  the  average,  since  the  mother  was 
sufficiently  intelligent  and  painstaking  to  keep  careful  accounts. 

Health, 

Analysis  of  expenditures  for  health  showed  that  if  families 

with  incomes  of  less  than  $800  undertake  to  meet  doctor's 

bills,  etc.,  at  their  own  charges,  it  can  be  done  only  at  the 

expense  of  necessaries.     Only  16  per  cent,  of  families  with 


I 


d 


1912.]  HOUSE  — No.  1697.  233 

incomes  between  $600  and  $1,000  report  any  expense  at  all 
for  dentistry,  —  even  so  much  as  50  cents  to  get  a  tooth  pulled. 
Of  the  families  in  the  $600-income  group,  only  1  in  10  paid 
anything  for  dentistry. 

Insurance. 
Of  the  318  families  with  incomes  between  $600  and  $1,100, 
60  per  cent,  carry  life  insurance  and  45  per  cent,  carry  insurance 
on  property.  Americans,  Germans,  Irish  and  colored  insured 
life  rather  than  property,  and  Russians,  Austrians  and  Hun- 
garians insure  property  rather  than  life.  One-third  of  the 
Italians  insured  life  and  practically  none  of  them  insured 
property. 

Recreation. 
The  amounts  spent  for  recreation  within  a  year  were  as  fol- 
lows: — 

$400  to     $599  group  spent    $2.72. 

$600  to     $699  group  spent    $3.79. 

$700  to     $799  group  spent    $7.07. 

$800  to     $899  group  spent    $8.44. 

$900  to  $999  group  spent  $11.71. 
$1,000  to  $1,099  group  spent  $14.71. 
$1,100  to  $1,199  group  spent  $22.29. 

Expenditure  for  tobacco,  soda,  recreation,  and  "culture 
wants"  taken  together,  for  the  $600  to  $699  group,  averaged 
only  $47.55,  which  modest  sum  was  nevertheless  7.3  per  cent, 
of  the  total  income;  while  for  the  group  between  $1,000  and 
$1,099,  the  average  expenditure  for  these  items  was  still  only 
$114.59,  which  was  11.4  per  cent,  of  the  total  income.  Thirty- 
two  families  reported  no  expenditure  at  all  for  recreation.  A 
vacation  for  the  principal  wage  earner  was  rarely  mentioned. 
Only  18  of  the  391  families  had  a  piano,  and  8  of  these  belonged 
to  families  with  incomes  of  $1,100  or  over. 

Conclusions. 
As  a  result  of  this  painstaking  study  of  actual  expenditures 
of  391  families,  it  was  concluded  that  for  a  family  of  5  persons 
"  the  task  of  making  two  ends  meet  is  too  severe  to  be  success- 
fully accomplished  in  ordinary  circumstances  on  all  incomes 


234  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

under  $800,  without  a  lowering  of  the  standards  of  living  below 
the  normal  demands  of  health,  working  eflBciency  and  social 
decency."  This  standard  allows  a  per  capita  of  $3.46  for  a 
family  of  2  adults  and  3  children,  and  it  applies  to  New  York 
City,  where  rent  is  high,  and  to  prices  prevalent  in  1907.  In 
applying  it  to  families  of  different  sizes  in  other  localities  ap- 
propriate allowances  should  be  made. 

VII.  Comparative  Cost  of  Living  in  Different  Localities. 
In  April,  1911,  the  English  Board  of  Trade  published  a  colossal 
study  of  comparative  wages  in  three  skilled  trades,  rents,  cost 
of  food,  and  standards  of  living  in  England  and  in  28  of  the 
principal  industrial  cities  of  the  United  States.  The  data  were 
collected  during  1909. 

Comparative  Cost  of  Living. 
From  this  publication  it  is  found  that,  taking  rents  and  food 
together,  and  taking  New  York  as  an  index  number  of   100, 
the  comparative  cost  of  living  in  different  cities  of  Massa- 
chusetts, figured  as  percentage  ratios,  was  as  follows:  — 

New  York, 100 

Brockton, 100 

Boston, 99 

Lawrence, 95 

Fall  River, 90 

Lowell,     . 90 

Rent  was  from  17  per  cent,  to  48  per  cent,  lower  in  the  differ- 
ent Massachusetts  cities  than  in  New  York,  but  food  in  every 
instance  was  slightly  more  expensive,  being  1  per  cent,  higher 
in  Fall  River,  2  per  cent,  higher  in  Lowell,  5  per  cent,  higher  in 
Boston  and  in  Lawrence,  and  6  per  cent,  higher  in  Brockton. 

Budgets. 
Budgets  available  for  statistical  purposes  were  gathered  from 
7,616  families  of  28  nationalities.     From  these  it  is  learned  that 
the  margin  over  and  above  rent  and  food  figured  as  percentage 
ratios  ranges  as  follows:  — 


I 


"  1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


235 


Per  Cent. 

Under  £2  a  week, 29.08 

£2  and  under  £3, 34.64 

£3  and  under  £4, 39.19 

£4  and  under  £5, 43.47 

£5  and  under  £6, 48. 18 

£6  and  under  £7, 52.46 

£7  and  under  £8, 53.47 

£8  and  over, 61 .  69 

The  way  that  families  of  the  smaller  incomes  are  forced  to 
stint  themselves  in  the  consumption  of  food  is  shown  graphi- 
cally in  the  analysis  of  budgets. 

VIII.  Causes  of  Destitution. 
Warner's  "American  Charities"  gives  a  table  showing  the 
chief  causes  of  destitution  among  the  applicants  for  relief  to 
the  charity  organization  societies  of  Boston,  New  York,  Buffalo 
and  Baltimore  from  1890-92.  The  carefulness  and  intelli- 
gence with  which  the  records  are  kept  by  these  societies  is  well 
known.  Although  the  facts  are  almost  two  decades  old,  there 
is  no  reason  why  the  percentages  forced  to  charity  through  the 
various  causes  assigned  should  be  different  to-day,  unless  it 
be  that  the  speeding  up  of  industry  with  its  attendant  physical 
and  nervous  strain  on  the  worker  might  tend  to  increase  the 
number  due  to  sickness  and  accident. 


Chief  Causes 

OF  Poverty  (Per  Cent.). 

- 

Lack  of. 

Year 

Total 

Sickness, 

Insuffi- 

Causes 

Report  from  — 

or 

Num- 

Death 

cient, 

indicat- 

Remain- 

Years. 

ber. 

m 

Old  Age. 

Poorly 

ing 

ing 

Family, 

paid. 

Miscon- 

Causes. 

Accident. 

Employ- 
ment. 

duct. 

Boston,            .        < 

1890-91 

991 

26.8 

3.8 

26.6 

28.9 

48.8 

1891-92 

1,092 

27.2 

4.4 

20.6 

31.4 

47.2 

New  York.     . 

1891 

1,412 

21.8 

3.3 

37.6 

22.6 

37.3 

[■ 

1878-90 

7,094 

25.1 

_ 

38.4 

14.0 

36.5 

Buffalo,           .        ] 

1890-91 

560 

31.7 

- 

33.8 

7.5 

34.6 

. 

1891-92 

581 

34.0 

3.6 

22.2 

12.0 

40.2 

Baltimore,               < 

1890-91 

690 

23.5 

5.0 

27.0 

25.1 

44.5 

1891-92 

695 

25.0 

7.1 

25.1 

21.5 

42.8 

From  the  above  figures  it  is  seen  that  only  31.4  per  cent,  of 
the  cases  are  analyzed  as  due  to  personal  misconduct,  20.6  per 
cent,  to  low  wages  or  unemployment,  4.4  to  an  unprovided-for 


236  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

old  age  and  27.2  to  sickness,  accident  or  death  in  the  family,  — 
calamities  which  of  necessity  are  connected  to  some  extent  to 
underfeeding  and  unhealthful  Hving,  and  wholly  to  the  impossi- 
bility of  meeting,  out  of  current  earnings,  vicissitudes  which 
must  be  reckoned  as  certain  to  occur  in  the  average  life. 

IX.    Earnings  of  Women  Applicants  for  Relief. 

Through  the  co-operation  of  several  of  the  charitable  agencies 
of  Boston,  facts  were  obtained  concerning  the  average  weekly 
earnings  of  all  the  women  workers,  exclusive  of  those  in  restau- 
rants and  at  domestic  service  and  cleaning  by  the  day,  who 
were  members  of  families  which  were  being  assisted  on  Sept. 
1,  1911. 

The  468  women  were  engaged  in  the  following  occupations:  — 

Office  work, 34 

Retail  stores, 83 

Laundries, 17 

Factories, 195 

Mills, 30 

Sewing  trades, 47 

Other  trades, 62 

Total, 468 

It  is  always  difficult  for  a  worker  to  make  an  exact  average 
of  her  weekly  earnings,  as  she  cannot  remember  the  amount  of 
time  that  she  was  unemployed,  so  the  average  is  approximate. 
The  table  on  page  238,  at  the  end  of  this  section,  gives  the  facts 
in  more  detail. 

Of  these  468  recipients  of  charitable  assistance  one-half 
worked  for  a  wage  of  less  than  $6  a  week.  Only  13.7  per  cent, 
had  $8  or  more.  On  these  wages  charity  was  necessary.  They 
are  very  little  less  than  the  earnings  of  the  laundry  hands  and 
more  than  those  of  the  candy  workers.  It  may  be  judged  that 
when  wages  are  so  low  the  question  as  to  whether  a  family 
may  be  spared  from  seeking  charity  depends  on  other  circum- 
stances. The  healthy  family,  with  a  fair  proportion  of  wage 
earners  to  persons  to  be  supported,  and  whose  wage  earners 
have  steady  work,  may  get  on  without  help;  so  may  the  family 
that  has  one  well-paid  member  to  subsidize  the  others.     Again, 


i 


4 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


237 


famiKes  may  be  privately  assisted  by  generous  friends,  neigh- 
bors and  relatives  who  are  somewhat  better  off;  others  may 
eke  out  by  vice.  But  however  it  is  done,  such  wages  are  supple- 
mented by  society  to  the  extent  of  the  cost  of  living  of  the  wage 
earners  and  their  families  minus  what  is  skimped  out  of  their 
health  and  strength  and  energy. 

The  women  adrift  or  in  families  deprived  of  their  male  wage 
earners  were  48.8  per  cent.,  a  much  larger  proportion  than  in 
industries  taken  as  a  whole,  where  it  was  from  17.2  per  cent, 
in  the  candy  industry  to  32.9  per  cent,  in  the  laundries. 


Living  Condition. 


At  Home 

At  Home 

Number 

AND  Male 

AND  NO  Male 

Wage 

Wage 

Adrift. 

REPORTED. 

Earner  in     | 

Earner  in 

Ages  by  Years. 

t 

THE  Family. 

THE  Family. 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber. 

Cent. 

ber. 

Cent. 

ber. 

Cent. 

ber. 

Cent. 

14  and  15,   . 

58 

100 

36 

62.1 

17 

29.3 

5 

8.6 

16  and  17,   . 

86 

100 

53 

61.6 

25 

29.1 

8 

9.3 

18  to  20,       . 

88 

100 

54 

61.4 

25 

28.4 

9 

10.2 

21  to  24,       . 

43 

100 

23 

53.5 

12 

27.9 

8 

18.6 

25  and  over, 

153 

100 

53 

34.6 

27 

17.6 

73 

47.8 

Total,  . 

428 

100 

219 

«.2 

106 

24.7 

103 

24.1 

At  the  Boston  Dispensary  all  women  applicants  coming  for 
the  first  time  during  a  period  of  eleven  days  were  seen.  They 
were  classified  in  the  following  industrial  divisions :  — 


Per  Cent. 


Housewives  who  have  not  worked  in  industry  during  the 
past  year, 

Women  who  ran  lodging  houses,         ..... 

Women  who  go  out  for  day's  work,  scrubbing,  etc., 

Women  in  domestic  service, 

Dependent  wom.en,  over  eighteen  years,  who  have  worked 
in  industry  during  the  past  year,    ..... 

Women  working  in  industry, 


Total, 


41.8 
1.3 
9.5 

16.0 

4.7 
26.7 


100.0 


1  Four  not  reported. 

The  earnings  for  the  women  in  industry  are  given  in  the  table 
for  all  charities.  Seven  of  them  were  minors.  Forty,  or  68.9 
per  cent.,  were  in  families  with  a  male  wage  earner;  6  or  10.3 
per  cent.,  were  in  families  without  a  male  wage  earner;  and  12 
or  20.6  per  cent.,  were  adrift. 


238 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


239 


APPENDIX  E, 


SUMMARY    OF 


BUREAU    OF    STATISTICS  —  REPORT    ON 
MANUFACTURES. 


Massachusetts  Statistics  of  Manufactures,  1908. 
Classified  Weekly  Wages  by  Industries. 


Women  Twenty 

-ONE  Yeaes  and  Over. 

' 

Total 
N\im- 
ber. 

Under 
$3. 

$3  to 
$4.99. 

$5  to 
$5.99. 

$6  to 
$6.99. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 
Over. 

The  State,       .... 

144.935 

1,883 

9,062 

14,610 

23.309 

24,414 

71,657 

Agricultural  implements,  . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

" 

- 

Automobile  bodies  and  parts,  . 

18 

- 

- 

- 

■ 

3 

15 

Automobiles 

3 

- 

- 

- 

2 

1 

Awnings,  tents,  and  sails. 

126 

- 

- 

1 

11 

10 

104 

Baskets  and  rattan  and  willow 

11 

_ 

- 

- 

10 

1 

- 

ware. 
Belting  and  hose,  leather. 

7 

- 

2 

- 

- 

1 

4 

Belting  and  hose,  linen,      .     ■    . 

49 

- 

- 

8 

3 

4 

34 

Billiard  tables  and  materials,  . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Blacking, 

102 

- 

21 

37 

28 

8 

8 

Bookbinding   and   blank   book 

making. 
Boot  and  shoe  cut  stock,    . 

909 
1,288 

24 

48 
147 

106 
195 

176 
268 

243 
246 

336 
408 

Boot  and  shoe  findings. 

947 

28 

172 

170 

169 

161 

247 

Boots  and  shoes. 

23,800 

510 

1,260 

1,358 

1,964 

2,585 

16,123 

Boots  and  shoes,  rubber,    . 

2,491 

- 

5 

40 

176 

334 

1,936 

Boxes,  cigar,       .... 

70 

- 

3 

4 

16 

4 

43 

Boxes,  fancy  and  paper,     , 

1,649 

31 

133 

139 

222 

300 

824 

Boxes,  wooden  packing,     . 

367 

7 

57 

47 

57 

42 

157 

Brass  castings  and  brass  finish- 

21 

- 

5 

6 

4 

2 

5 

mg. 
Brassware,          .... 

42 

.- 

- 

- 

25 

6 

11 

Bread  and  other  bakery  prod- 
ucts. 
Brick  and  tile,    .        .        .        . 

512 

2 

30 

65 

88 

118 

209 

Brooms  and  brushes, 

738 

125 

320 

89 

79 

62 

63 

Butter 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Buttons, 

344 

22 

54 

74 

47 

60 

87 

Canning  and  preserving  fish,      . 

263 

- 

69 

99 

58 

24 

13 

A 


240 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Classified  Weekly  Wages  hy  Industries  —  Continued. 


Women  Twenty 

-ONE  Years  and  Over. 

Total 
Num- 
ber. 

Under 
$3. 

$3  to 
$4.99. 

$5  to 
$5.99. 

$6  to 
$6.99. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Carpets  and  rugs,  other  than  rag, 

2,233 

24 

90 

181 

353 

281 

1,304 

Carpets,  rag,       .... 

5 

- 

- 

- 

- 

5 

- 

Carriage  and  wagon  materials. 

4 

- 

- 

- 

1 

- 

3 

Carriages  and  sleds,  children's. 

129 

- 

- 

4 

14 

27 

84 

Carriages  and  wagons. 

22 

- 

3 

2 

2 

4 

11 

Cars  and  general  shop  construc- 
tion and  repairs  by  steam  rail- 
road companies. 

Chemicals,          .... 

6 
80 

17 

4 
17 

2 
46 

Cleansing  and    polishing  prep- 
arations. 
Clothing,  men's. 

16 
2,564 

29 

188 

1 
377 

3 

438 

3 

484 

9 
1,048 

Clothing,  women's,    . 

3,855 

58 

246 

341 

616 

696 

1,898 

Coffee  and  spice  roasting  and 
grinding. 

Coffins,  burial  cases,  and  under- 
takers* goods. 

Combs 

145 

- 

1 

21 

34 

40 

49 

43 

282 

1 

18 

9 
48 

8 
75 

10 

74 

16 
66 

Confectionery,    .... 

2,734 

1 

778 

544 

567 

434 

410 

Cooperage,          .... 

4 

- 

- 

- 

4 

- 

- 

Coppersmithing  and  sheet  iron 

working. 
Cordage  and  twine,    . 

5 

~ 

1 

- 

1 

1 

2 

529 

3 

89 

244 

93 

48 

52 

Corsets, 

1,462 

25 

210 

156 

194 

187 

690 

Cotton  goods 

38,609 

334 

1,703 

3,717 

6.061 

7,290 

19,504 

Cotton  small  wares,    .        . 

317 

3 

42 

60 

46 

56 

111 

Cotton  waste,     .... 

176 

- 

14 

108 

16 

19 

19 

Cutlery  and  edge  tools,      . 

476 

- 

11 

74 

98 

137 

156 

Druggists'  preparations,     . 

65 

- 

5 

7 

17 

7 

29 

Dyeing  and  finishing  textiles,    . 

1,109 

- 

25 

123 

568 

210 

183 

Dyestuffs  and  extracts. 

1 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

1 

Electrical  machinery,  apparatus 

and  supplies. 
Electroplating, 

1,365 
9 

47 

167 

211 
2 

165 

246 
1 

529 
6 

Emery  wheels,    .... 

12 

- 

- 

- 

4 

2 

6 

Engraving  and  die-sinking. 

6 

- 

- 

- 

1 

2 

3 

Fancy    articles    not    elsewhere 

specified. 
Felt  goods,          .... 

126 

- 

15 

12 

7 

29 

63 

79 

- 

4 

28 

20 

13 

14 

Files, 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Firearms 

44 

- 

- 

- 

- 

20 

24 

Flavoring  extracts,     . 

59 

- 

1 

12 

19 

7 

20 

Flour  and  grist  mill  products. 

2 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

2 

Food  preparations,     . 

221 

9 

72 

10 

90 

21 

19 

[912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


241 


Classified  Weekly  Wages  by  Industries  —  Continued. 


Women  Twenty-one  Yeaks  and  Over. 

"Total 

Num- 

ber. 

Under 
$3. 

$3  to 
$4.99. 

$5  to 
$6.99. 

$6  to 
$6.99. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Foundry    and     machine    shop 

products. 
Fur  goods,           .... 

397 
114 

1 

60 

32 
5 

69 
1 

79 
4 

156 
104 

Furnishing  goods,  men's, 

688 

10 

56 

69 

102 

105 

346 

Furniture 

500 

5 

30 

87 

100 

142 

136 

Gas  and  lamp  fixtures. 

3 

- 

- 

- 

1 

- 

2 

Glass:    cutting,    staining    and 

ornamenting. 
Gloves  and  mittens,  leather,      . 

11 
90 

1 

1 
8 

17 

6 

6 
9 

5 
49 

Glue 

87 

1 

10 

30 

18 

11 

17 

Gold  and  silver  leaf  and  foil,  . 

44 

- 

6 

11 

4 

12 

11 

Grease  and  tallow,      . 

16 

- 

1 

2 

1 

- 

12 

Hairwork, 

15 

- 

1 

3 

3 

1 

^  7 

Hand  stamps 

10 

- 

- 

1 

2 

2 

5 

Hardware,           .... 

12 

- 

- 

1 

5 

3 

3 

Hardware,  saddlery,  . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Hats  and  caps,  other  than  felt, 

straw  and  wool. 
Hats,  felt 

132 
651 

2 

6 
40 

14 
61 

28 
-    89 

30 
91 

52 
370 

Hats,  straw 

1.320 

15 

6? 

65 

65 

79 

1.0^9 

Hosiery  and  knit  goods,     . 

6,433 

53 

472 

732 

770 

938 

2,468 

Housefurnishing  goods  not  else- 
where specified. 

Instruments,    professional    and 
scientific. 

Iron     and     steel     bolts,     nuts, 
washers  and  rivets,  not  made 
in  rolling  mills  or  steel  works. 

Iron  and  steel  forgings. 

144 

45 

352 

- 

42 
6 

17 

2 

56 

27 

7 

279 

27 
11 

7 

31 
19 

10 

■ 

Iron  and  steel,  nails  and  spikes, 
cut   and    wrought,   including 
wire  nails  not  made  in  rolling 
mills  or  steel  works. 

Ivory  and  bone  work. 

218 
142 

2 

6 

7 

43 
44 

61 
35 

31 
14 

75 
42 

Jewelry, 

2,156 

29 

70 

146 

276 

293 

1,342 

Jewelry  and  instrument  cases, 

230 

3 

18 

37 

84 

34 

54 

Kaolin  and  ground  earths. 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Lamps  and  reflectors. 

13 

- 

- 

- 

- 

2 

11 

Lasts 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Leather  goods 

265 

1 

11 

12 

62 

64 

105 

Leather,    tanned,  curried    and 

finished. 
Lime, 

133 

- 

20 

35 

33 

22 

23 

Linen  goods 

659 

4 

21 

108 

258 

144 

124 

Liquors,  distilled. 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Liquors,  malt 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

242 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Classified  Weekly  Wages  by  Industries  —  Continued. 


Women  Twenty 

-ONE  Years  and  Over. 

Total 
Num- 
ber. 

Under 
$3. 

$3  to 
$4.99. 

$5  to 
$5.99. 

$6  to 
$6.99. 

$7  to 
$7.99. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Lithographing  and  engraving,  . 

108 

- 

14 

21 

30 

17 

26 

Looking-glass       and       picture 

frames. 
Lumber  and  timber  products,  . 

50 
-  30 

2 

4 

1 

7 

10 
5 

2 
8 

25 
10 

Lumber,  planing  mill  products, 
including     sash,     doors    and 
blinds. 

Marble  and  stone  work. 

9 

1 

3 

1 

3 

^ 

Matresses  and  spring  beds, 

152 

- 

1 

8 

14 

29 

100 

Millinery  and  lace  goods, 

2,144 

22 

48 

116 

239 

294 

1,425 

Mineral  and  soda  waters, 

6 

- 

- 

- 

- 

1 

5 

Mirrors, 

1 

- 

- 

- 

- 

1 

- 

Models  and  patterns,  not  includ- 
ing paper  patterns. 
Monuments  and  tomb  stones,  . 

13 

- 

1 

5 

1 

2 

4 

Mucilage  and  paste,    . 

8 

- 

- 

- 

6 

1 

1 

Musical   instruments   and   ma- 
terials not  specified. 
Musical  instruments,  organs,     . 

7 
16 

- 

1 

2 
6 

1 
2 

2 

7 

1 
1 

Musical  instruments,  ^pianos,  . 

39 

- 

9 

5 

9 

9 

7 

Musical  instruments  (piano  and 

organ  materials). 
Oil,  not  elsewhere  specified. 

138 
21 

: 

3 

6 

2 

49 
6 

51 
2 

32 
8 

Paints 

30 

- 

4 

6 

11 

3 

6 

Paper  and  wood  pulp. 

3,842 

120 

243 

562 

1.468 

894 

555 

Paper  goods,  not  elsewhere  spec- 
ified. 

Patent  medicines     and      com- 
pounds. 

Photograph  materials, 

1,063 

6 

65 

131 

222 

259 

380 

630 
37 

21 

110 
2 

109 
13 

104 
10 

105 
6 

181 
6 

Pickles,  preserves  and  sauces,  . 

49 

' 

7 

20 

16 

4 

2 

Plated  ware,       .        .        . 

23 

- 

- 

4 

3 

6 

10 

Plumbers*  supplies,    . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Pocketbooks,      .... 

334 

10 

52 

23 

101 

100 

48 

Pottery,    terra-cotta    and    fire 

clay  products. 
Printing  and  publishing,  book 

and  job. 
Refrigerators,      .... 

25 
1,202 

5 

2 
33 

5 

46 

6 
172 

2 

224 

10 

722 

Regalia  and  society  banners  and 

emblems. 
Roofing  materials. 

64 

- 

_ 

5 

28 

14 

17 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Rubber  and  elastic  goods, 

1,796 

6 

79 

190 

262 

339 

920 

Saddlery  and  harness, 

17 

- 

- 

- 

2 

15 

Sausage 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Scales  and  balances,  . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Screws,  machine, 

7 

- 

1 

1 

1 

- 

4 

F912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


243 


Classified  Weekly  Wages  by  Industries  —  Concluded. 


Women  Twenty-one  Years  and  Over. 


Total 

Num- 
ber. 


Under 
$3. 


$3  to 
$4.99. 


$5  to 
$5.99. 


$6  to 
$6.99. 


$7  to 
$7.99. 


$8  and 
Over. 


Shipbuilding,   wooden,    includ- 
ing boatbuilding. 
Shirts 

1,450 

53 

164 

148 

194 

242 

649 

Shoddy,      

42 

3 

15 

6 

12 

1 

5 

Show  cases,         .... 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Silk  and  silk  goods,    . 

1,639 

9 

104 

147 

289 

220 

870 

Silversmithing  and  silverware. 

299 

- 

3 

15 

64 

59 

158 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing, 

wholesale. 
Soap 

8 
36 

1 

4 

3 
6 

9 

10 

4 
6 

Sporting  goods,  .... 

239 

11 

33 

55 

36 

30 

74 

Stamped  ware,  .         .         .         • 

145 

- 

22 

38 

40 

22 

23 

Stationery  goods  not  elsewhere 

specified. 
Statuary  and  art  goods,     . 

368 

1 

: 

39 

26 

17 
1 

51 

235 

Steam  fittings  and  heating  ap- 
.  paratus. 
Steam  packing, 

14 

1 

2 

6 

2 

3 
1 

1 

- 

Stencils  and  brands,  . 

1 

- 

- 

1 

- 

- 

- 

Stereotyping  and  electrotyping. 

10 

- 

- 

- 

1 

1 

8 

Stoves  and  furnaces,  not  includ- 
ing gas  and  oil  stoves. 
Structural  iron-work. 

4 

- 

- 

- 

- 

2 

2 

Surgical  appliances,    . 

64 

- 

22 

23 

8 

4 

7 

Tinware, 

85 

7 

17 

13 

18 

5 

25 

Tobacco,  cigars  and  cigarettes. 

971 

16 

39 

64 

144 

261 

447 

Tools,  not  elsewhere  specified, 

179 

- 

29 

28 

28 

22 

72 

Toys  and  gaines, 

194 

1 

5 

43 

41 

40 

64 

Trunks  and  valises,    . 

71 

1 

7 

9 

10 

13 

31 

Upholstering  materials,     . 

18 

- 

- 

2 

15 

- 

1 

Varnishes 

8 

- 

- 

- 

4 

- 

4 

Vinegar  and  cider,      . 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Whips 

292 

25 

37 

41 

57 

46 

86 

Window  shades  and  fixtures. 

5 

- 

2 

- 

1 

1 

1 

Wire 

29 

- 

13 

2 

3 

5 

6 

Wire  work,  including  wire  rope 

and  cable. 
Wood,  turned  and  carved. 

460 
25 

10 
2 

87 
8 

45 
2 

70 
8 

70 

1 

178 
4 

Woodenware,  not  elsewhere  spec- 
ified. 
Wood  scouring,  .... 

1 

11 

- 

2 

5 

2 

1 

1 

Woolen  goods 

5,426 

91 

259 

608 

857 

851 

2,760 

Worsted  goods 

10.703 

7 

121 

677 

2,118 

2,307 

5,473 

All  other  industries,  . 

5,854 

42 

375 

940 

1,172 

1,009 

2,316 

244 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Per  Cent. 

of  Days 
in  the 

Year  in 
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1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


245 


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HOUSE  —  No.  1697. 


247 


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HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


249 


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MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Table  showing,  by  the  Most  Poorly  Paying  Industries,  the  Women  Wage 
Earners  Twenty-one  Years  Old  or  Over  who  earn  Less  than  $6  a 
Week,  and  also  the  Average  Extent  to  which  Some  Department  of 
the  Establishment  was  in  Operation.'^ 


Earning  less  than 
$6  A  Week.  2 

Average  Extent  op 
Employment. 

Industries. 

Number. 

Per  Cent. 

of  All  the 
Women 
Workers 
over  21 

Years  old. 

Days  in 
Operation 

(Maxi- 
mum, 305 

Days). 

Per  Cent. 

of 

the  Whole 

Year. 

Cotton  goods, 

5,754 

14.9 

269.62 

88.3 

Boot  and  shoe  cut  stock. 

366 

28.5 

295.57 

96.8 

Boot  and  shoe  findings 

370 

39.1 

287.53 

94.2 

Hosiery  and  knit  goods 

1,257 

23.7 

287.34 

94.2 

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645 

16.8 

283.40 

92.8 

Clothing,  men's, 

594 

23.1 

269.85 

88.4 

Paper  and  wood  pulp,      .... 

925 

24.1 

253.56 

83.0 

Paper  goods  not  elsewhere  specified. 

202 

19.1 

280.54 

91.9 

Confectionery, 

1,323 

48.5 

271.93 

89.0 

Silk  and  silk  goods,          .... 

260 

15.8 

285.34 

93.6 

Boxes,  fancy  and  paper,  .... 

303 

18.4 

281.10 

92.1 

Rubber  and  elastic  goods, 

275 

15.6 

279.83 

91.6 

Electrical  machinery,  apparatus  and  sui>- 

plies. 
Corsets, 

425 

31.1 

256.15 

84.0 

391 

26.7 

285.44 

93.5 

Shirts 

365 

25.2 

262.98 

86.5 

Bookbinding  and  blank  book  making,    . 

154 

16.9 

289.84 

94.9 

Linen  goods 

133 

20.2 

288.64 

94.6 

Hats,  straw 

101 

15.5 

281.55 

94.3 

Brooms  and  brushes,       .... 

534 

72.4 

293.31 

96.1 

Furnishing  goods,  men's. 

135 

19.6 

291.06 

95.4 

Cordage  and  twine,          .... 

336 

63.5 

289.37 

94.8 

Total 

14,848  3 

20.1 

- 

- 

on  1908  Report  of  the  Statistics  of  Manufactures,  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Sta- 
tistics. 

*  Figures  for  week  of  employment  of  greatest  number  of  wage  earners. 

»  In  all  other  industries  there  were  10,707  (25,555)  or  17.6  per  cent.,  of  all  women  workers 
over  21  years  of  age.  Retail  store  clerks,  ofl&ce  help,  waitresses  and  laundresses  are  not  in- 
cluded. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697.  251 


APPENDIX  F. 


GENERAL  TABLES. 

Contents  of  General.  Tables. 
Candy  Factories: —  page 

Earnings  by  locality,  ..........  253 

Earnings  by  living  conditions,       ........  254 

Earnings,  annual,        ..........  256 

Earnings,  hourly,         ..........  257 

Earnings  by  experience,        .........  258 

Earnings  by  occupation,       .........  259 

Number  contributing  to  the  family,       .......  260 

Nativity,  ............  261 

Nationality  (detailed),          .........  262 

Days  absent,      ...........  263 

Shifts  from  position  to  position,   ........  268 

Trade  experience,        ..........  269 

Charitable  assistance:  — 

Numbers,    ...........  270 

Percentages,          ..........  272 

Analysis  of  typical  pay  roll,           ........  274 

Retail  Stores:  — 

Earnings  by  locality,  .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  275 

Earnings  by  living  conditions:  — 

All  places,  ...........  276 

Boston, 278 

Brockton,    ...........  279 

Cambridge, 280 

Fall  River, 281 

Lowell, 282 

Springfield, 283 

Worcester, 284 

Suburban  Boston,  small  shops,       .......  285 

Earnings,  annual  and  hourly,        ........  286 

Earnings  by  experience,        .........  287 

Number  contributing  to  the  family,      .......  288 

Nativity, 289 

Nationality  (detailed) 290 

Days  absent,      ...........  291 

Shifts  from  position  to  position,   ........  296 

Trade  experience,         ..........  297 

Charitable  assistance:  — 

Numbers, 298 

Percentages,          ..........  300 

Wages  and  hours  in  small  suburban  stores,    .  .  .  .  .  .302 

Store  record  of  individual  employee,     .......  306 


252  MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS.  [Jan. 

Laundries: —  page 

Earnings  by  locality,  ..........     307 

Earnings  by  living  conditions:  — 

All  places,  ...........     308 

Boston  and  Cambridge,  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .310 

Other  large  cities,  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .311 

Small  places,         ..........     312 

Earnings,  annual,        ..........     313 

Earnings  by  experience,        .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .314 

Earnings  by  occupation,      .........     315 

Earnings  by  laundries  (per  cents) :  — 

Laundries  reporting  under  20  workers,    ......     316 

Laundries  reporting  over  20  workers,      ......     317 

Number  contributing  to  the  family,      .  .  .  .  .  .  .318 

Nativity, 319 

Nationality  (detailed),         .........     320 

Shifts  from  position  to  position,   .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .321 

Trade  experience,        ..........     322 

Charitable  assistance:  — 

Numbers,    ...........     323 

Percentages,         .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .325 


n 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


253 


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HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


255 


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MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


257 


Average  Earnings  per  Hour  of  Women  Wage  Earners  in  Candy  Factories, 
classified  by  Earnings. 


Average  Weekly  Eaenings. 

Number 
reporting. 

Average 

Earnings  per 

Hour. 

Under  $3,      . 
$3.00-  $3.49, 
$3.50-  $3.99, 
$4.00-  $4.49, 
$4.50-  $4.99, 
$5.00-  $5.49, 
$5.50-  $5.99, 
$6.00-  S6.49, 
$6.50-  $6.99, 
$7.00-  $7.49, 
$7.50-  $7.99, 
$8.00-  S8.99, 
$9.00-  $9.99, 
$10.0O-S11.99, 
$12.00  and  over, 

52 

94 

191 

256 

233 

187 

175 

137 

102 

88 

57 

75 

21 

12 

14 

$0  05 
06 
07 
08 
09 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
18 
21 
28 

Total,      . 

1,694 

$0  11 

258 


MINIMUlNi  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


I 


SS;     ft 

^        M 


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•Si 


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1 
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l>i  cm'  C<3  00  oo'  CO  CO  1-t  i-I 

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o 

1 

1 

3 

reporting 
Experience 

and 
Earnings. 

0505t^>oi^'*coc<ia5trt 

cot^ao-^cocMCM'-i 

fes^sg??^22;^ 

O 

1 

1 

In  this  trade:  — 
Under  1  year, 

1  and  under    2  years, 

2  and  under    4  years, 
4  and  under    6  years, 
6  and  under    8  years, 
8  and  under  10  years, 

10  and  under  12  years, 
12  and  under  16  years, 
16  and  under  21  years, 
21  and  under  30  years. 

In  all  trades:  — 
Under  1  year, 

1  and  under    2  years 

2  and  under    4  years 
4  and  under    6  years 
6  and  under    8  years 
8  and  under  10  years 

10  and  under  12  years 
12  and  under  16  years 
16  and  under  21  years 
21  and  under  30  years 

4 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


259 


.1 

i 


I 


fe 


I 


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1^ 

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1 

CM 

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260 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


«-■        w 

O  .     bO 

1 

©•^.2 

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o> 

^^1 

g 

M 

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reporting 

as  to 
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tions and 
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^ 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


261 


1 

eo 

I 


o 

< 

5 

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§ 

n 

i 

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28.0 

35.7 

34.4 

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CO 

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Under  18,     . 
18  to  20,        . 
21  and  over. 
Not  reported , 

1 
^ 

262 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


1 


1 

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1 

n 

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2 

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Dutch, 
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Portuguese, 
Italian,      . 
Greek, 
Syrian,      . 
Polish,       . 
Hebrew,  Russia 
Hebrew,  other, 
Brazilian, 
Canadian,  Fren 
Canadian,  othe 

1 

1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


263 


I 

5a 


5 


IS 


2    ^ 
f-2. 

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264 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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I 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


265 


«      r*      oo      05      O 
e»      (M      <M      (M      eo 

rH<Meo'<t<«raot^ooojOi-H(Mco-»t<"5«or* 
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1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1       1 

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266 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


I 


fen 

^     ID 

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•<*     o 

I  i 

^1 


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n 

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ENTERING 

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BEGINNING 

OF  YEAR. 

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i 

•IB^ox 

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5  . 

s 

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''::::.::::'§ 

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^"   5~   g    S    S    S    :^    IS    S    IS    S    g    8 

i 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


267 


s  s  s  s  J?:  § 

1 

iM           1           (M         rH         .-1         i-H 

1             1          ^           1          t-l           1 

^           1          ^         ^           1          ^ 

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1             1             1             1             1             i 

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1 

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CO 

-^ 

«o 

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g 

S 

-1,111 

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s 

i 

s    s    s   s   if  g 

1 

268 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Average 
Number 

of 
Changes 

per 
Worker. 

^00»010Mi-lOT»<r-<IOO 

iooo-^-HT»<T-io»oeocoo 

^. 

r^r-ii-1^cir^Tl,^oi 

1 
o 

1 
O 

1 

•sauiTjL  01 

1            1             1            1          **•           1            1            1             1            1             1             1      1    '^• 

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1    1    1    1    1    1   ^.    1    1    1    .    1     . 

•sauiTj,  I 

•'■■--  s - 

•sauiix  9 

1 

•sauiTjL  0 

■      r.;      00      ^'      eo                                                  1 

■eauiix  ^ 

1.6 
3.1 

2.8 
4.9 
2.9 
3.0 
8.3 

7.1 
50.0 

: 

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Oi 

to 

C^       Tt*       oo'       «       T»<       lO        50       «D        00       tj< 

•aomx 

8.6 
12.9 
17.9 
19.4 
23.8 
22.8 
30.3 
12.5 
12.5 
14.3 

19.3 

•aouo 

25.7 
41.9 
36.4 
38.2 
29.2 
30.0 
30.3 
45.8 
50.0 
35.7 

35.0 

•\iv  %v  %o>^ 

0»ooeceot~c<»<Nt>.t^eoo 

^ 

N      00      eo'      ^      ^      t>^      00      «d      oo'      00      o 
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CO 
CO 

Total 
Number 

of 
Changes. 

00»Ct^i-i»O00Olr*.-i05-»»t          1 

r-(>i500»OCOt>.OCO<M'-l 

s 

1 

o 

z 

•saraijL  01 

1       i       1       1      »-      1       1       1       1       1       1       1      i-H 

•sauiix  8 

1     1     1     1     1     1    -    1     1     1     1     1    ^ 

•sauiix  L 

llll^l^lllllN 

•saoiTX  9 

■■-'"'- 1" 

•sauiix  9 

1              Ir-ICOO-^r^l              1              1              1              1 

CQ 

•sauiix  f 

|»-IO«OOOC<I^<M           |rt,-(           1 

^ 

•saoiix  8 

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•aomX 

eooooi<NOi«ooeo<Mc><        i         i 

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s 

•eouo 

osooscoooi-HO'-'oo'O        1         loo 

•IIB  ;^B  :^ON 

g3^;sss^'°-*'^'*-^    '|| 

Number 
reporting 

Ex- 
perience 

and 
Changes. 

1 

1 

. 

Under  6  months, 

6  months  and  under  1  yeai 

1  and  under   2  years, 

2  and  under    4  years, 
4  and  under    6  years, 
6  and  under   8  years, 
8  and  under  10  years, 

10  and  under  12  years, 
12  and  under  16  years, 
16  and  under  21  years, 
21  and  under  30  years, 
30  years  and  over,    . 

1 

I 


1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


269 


I 


t3     ^ 


il 


I 


I 
I 


Average 
Number 

of 
Trades 

per 
Worker. 

eo 

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■*. 

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CO 

CO 

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270 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


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1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


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c.       ,    ,    ,c,c> 

" 

OS        1  1-iecNco 

s 

3g 

'  '^:5I5 

^      III  to^; 

g      '— g 

g5     '-^^Sg 

S5 

,   ,««j2 

§          1      l-<N« 

o        ,    .c^cg 

^     ' '*SS 

S 

25 

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S3     '-'^^'^ 

t;^          1      1   '^«0« 

S5     '^I2^S 

I 

i^i 

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.|     '  '^S?^ 

g      '   '<^2?:5 

S     "^^S35 

i 

25 

"«JS?§5? 

O            1    rHTtlCit^ 

c5     '-=^"'«^ 

2     '-^SS? 

^ 

-"SggJS 

1        '^c3^S 

£3     '   "*'22 

^    ^-g^§ 

00 

25 

ICOOOt- 

Tt<           1    ^t^COC<J 

CO          III   i-HCO 

^     "^S§§S22 

o 

SoSi 

ecwsoo-*-* 

s  --«— 

eg        1    !    1    1  (M 

CO         T»<COtJjlOt^ 

§? 

25 

eooo^to  1 

go       C.^-.    1     . 

«>-        1    1  .-<   1  ^ 

.,      «^^<o- 

s 

2g^'   ' 

g      ■^coeoi-<   1 

^        1    .-   1    . 

-"   §sg^  ' 

s 

25 

^ss-^' 

5        «>2<M    1      1 

CO        .-..     I     , 

-^    Sfeg^-^  ' 

g 

h 

J.OC.CO    . 

g       »OC0    1     1  .-1 

03           1      1      1      1      1 

,       o«^oo- 

s 

Per 

Cent, 
of  the 
Total. 

5.0 
13.1 
20.3 
17.8 
18.1 

eo      oeoeo— <t^ 
•xti          '  Cd  eo  CO  "3 

CO          (Moo^eo 

uj                  '      '(M'b-' 

■*       OO'xfOO 

2    «S^g5d 

s 

Per 

Cent, 
of  Each 
Group. 

6.8 
17.7 
27.3 
23.9 
24.3 

o      irtoocotooo 

8   '^;2i;j§5§ 

100.0 

1.6 

8.0 

20.2 

70.2 

100.0 

6.0 
15.6 
24.4 
23.0 
31.0 

o 

s 

Number 
reporting 
Earnings, 
Age  and 
Living 
Conditions. 

=.s.. 

1     Sq!gJ5| 

^      "^S^l 

88    §S^i^S 

« 

< 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over, 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over. 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over, 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over, 

i 

o 

Q 
> 

t 

h 

III 
III 

Total.    . 

Living    at    home,    no 
male  wage  earner  in 
the  family. 

< 

3    . 

i 

I 
I 


1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


279 


1 

b 
o 

i 

i 
I 

> 

« 

g 

s 

D 

1 1  1  1  1 

1       1    1    1    1    1 

.       11... 

' 

3gi 

1       1    1    1    1    1 

1       .   .   .   1    . 

' 

1  1  1  1  1 

1        1    1    1    1    1 

.       .   .   .   1    . 

1 

3^ 

1  1  1  1  1 

1       1    1    1    1    i 

1       .    1    .    1  .1 

. 

14 

.  .-1  , 

^       1    1    t    1    1 

1       ..^11 

- 

B5 

1      1    <M(M    1 

-<«<       1    1    1    1    1 

1        1    .  eo<M  1 

•«i< 

1       1    tH     1       1 

^       1    1    1    t    1 

1        1    .  '-<  1    . 

- 

35 

l-H-HC^J     I       1 

•^K       1    1    1    1    1 

1         »H^<M    .      1 

Tt< 

1  r^co  1  e>« 

CO            1       1       1    «-!     1 

-      ..... 

1         .  t»eo^(M 

2 

3s 

1    1  «   1    1 

'-t            1       1       1       1       1 

.       .    .    .-  . 

^        1    1  ^■^   1 

Cfl 

14 

1    1    1    1    1 

1              1       1       1      1       1 

.         ..... 

. 

3s 

1    1    1    t    1 

.              ..... 

.         .    1    .    .    1 

. 

1    1    1    1    1 

.              ..... 

1         ...    1    1 

1 

4- 

4.4 
34.7 
43.5 
8.7 
8.7 

°-            .       .       1    ■=     . 

8            8 

8            8 

0  ooooo 

1  ^g3SS« 

o 

8 

Number 
reporting 
Earnings, 
Age  and 
Living 
Conditions. 

,-<00O<MC<I 

go         .     .     .^    1 

-     .  ,  .-  . 

.-1       T^COO-^ifi 

s 

< 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over. 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over. 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over. 

Under  16, 
16  and  17. 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over. 

\ 

1 
i 

i 

o 
S 

o 
> 

;3 

J) 

ll 

si 

Total 

Living  at  home,  no  male  wage 
earner  in  the  family. 

< 

< 

1 

280 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


i 

1 

1 

a 

S 

M 
H 

> 
<< 

Pi 

n 

1     1     1     1  ec 

CO           .11    »H^ 

<M          1      1      1      1    (M 

IM          III   ^«0 

!» 

^ 

3gi 

1     1     1  r-<   1 

-<          1      1      1      1   <N 

(M            III    r-.,-! 

IM          III    MC<5 

»o 

■     .--, 

C<|"          11.1. 

1              .       .       .       I       . 

1            1      l^^l 

<M 

1 

2S 
SJ5 

I     1     1 . 

<M           ..II. 

.             1      1       1       1    <M 

!M        III  '-lec 

■«1< 

o 

1        1    r^      1     <M 

CC           1      .      1      1      1 

1             1       1       1       1      1 

1             1      1    -1     1    <M 

CO 

33 

1        1        I-- 

<M           1      1      1      1      1 

1                   1         1         1     T-*       1 

-H             III    C^^ 

eo 

^ 

..... 

,             .      1       ,-. 

tH            1       1       1    rH     1 

-^        1    1    1  est   1 

.. 

3s 

.  --ic^    1     1 

CO           .11.1 

1              1       1       1       1       1 

1                1    -HM      1        1 

CO 

i^i 

.    (N^*    .      . 

o          ..... 

1              III.. 

1            1    <N-*    1      1 

o 

8      r5 

33 

. .1 

<N       1  e^  .    1    1 

(N          1     1      1      I      1 

1        1  eo-^  1    1 

'^ 

.        .     -H      1        1 

T-^       .11.1 

1           1      1      1      1      1 

1        1    .^   1    1 

- 

-1     Q 

33 

.        1        .        .        . 

1        III!. 

1           III.. 

1        1    1    1    1    1 

1 

1 

01 

.    <M     .      .      . 

<M           II... 

.           1      1      1      1      1 

1            1    <M    1      1      1 

(M 

4 

(Mr-HOOOJ 

o          CO      <ooo 

8          5;;s 

o 

8 

|a|a|l 

1   eeo-<i<t>. 

^           1    C^     1    (MCO 

t^          III   COiO 

00       1  ceoo5>« 

i 

1 

|g32i          |gS3i          '|§35§          |§S3i 

4 

I 

3 
I 

> 

t 

ll 

A 

if 

^  1 

< 

3 

I 


1912. 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


281 


1 

'^ll 

1   1   1   1   1 

' 

1    1    1    1    1 

1 

1     1     1     1     1 

1 

1   1   1   1   1 

1 

^ 

s^ 

1       1       1    THr-l 

(M 

1    1    1  1-1  1 

^ 

1     1     1     1     1 

1 

1      1      1   <N-< 

CO 

»» 

1 

1       1       1    f  00 

<N 

1    .    1    1    , 

1 

1      1      1      1    <M 

CM 

1      1      1    -^O 

•1* 

*»    «» 

ec 

1 

2s 

1       1       1    <M-< 

CO 

1,11, 

, 

1      I      1      1       1 

1 

1      1      1    (M--" 

CO 

■22 

1 

§ 

IJS; 

m 

2 

^ 

2; 

s 

1      1    (M«5eO 

- 

1      1      1      1    <M 

M 

1      1      1      1    ■«*< 

I** 

1      1   (NtOOJ 

t^ 

1 

>i 

3S 

1       1    rM     1    ^ 

<M 

1      1       1    ^     1 

-H 

1      1       1      1      1 

1 

1      1   ^^^ 

eo 

>5 

Ji» 

g 

1       1    »«»-1t'. 

?5 

1      1       1      1    ^ 

^ 

1      1      1      1      i 

1 

1      1   lO-HOO 

S 

-^ 

O 

■< 

5si 

1 

> 

25 

1  eq^iM   1 

»o 

1      1      1      1      1 

' 

1      1      1      i      1 

1 

1  <M^e^  1 

U3 

t 

1    Nlfl(M(M 

,-. 

1    T-H     1      1      1 

^ 

1       1      1      1    '-f 

^ 

1  eoiCiMeo 

CO 

^ 

5j 

H 

ec 

25 

1    1    1  1-1  1 

^ 

, 

,      ,      ,    ^     , 

^ 

1      1      1    C4     1 

<N 

1 

s^i 

14 

1  ec-r^    1     1 

T*H 

1      1    ^     1      1 

1            1   CON    1      1 

lO 

■^    t 

^  tf 

2S 

1    'H      1        1        1 

^ 

1      1      1      1      1 

1 

1      i      1       1       1 

1 

1   -H    1      1      1 

»H 

g    ►J 

sst 

<*      ^ 

1  ^ 

la 

eocq^    1     1 

SO 

11-^11 

- 

1      1      1      1      1 

1 

eocq<M   1    1 

t* 

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p 

V 

t,-p 

t^eooooo-* 

o 

»coo»o 

o 

.      1      1    """ 

o 

i-iCOCOOO 

o 

^ 
g 

fS§ 

«i^2S5?g§ 

s 

^'s'SJS 

s 

1-100 

8 

CO  — i  00  eo"  -<J< 

1-1  »-^  CO  CO 

s 

2 

fcfl'a-«M§ 

^ 

^•^3  C  g  fl-^ 

eco«o«>25 

,-1 

1  ^(M(Meo 

00 

1      1      1    ^t^ 

00 

eo-^oo<Meo 

l^ 

^ 

»-i^C^C<« 

oo 

^.-ceoeo 

OS 

1 

.    .  »^ 

.    .  *-" 

.    .  *^ 

§ 

S, 

sV  -  -i 

«'^--           ^ 

«or>r           > 

orC        ^ 

^ 

-^ 

fciT3(MIMT3 

--'o^-® 

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--^0^*0 

$£ 

(-  T5  <^^  <^«  -O 

f-TjiMiMTj 

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^ 

|§55g 

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P222?3S 

P22SS      . 

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Ci 

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1 

1 

1 

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^ 

i 

1 

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s 

o 

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13 

1 

If 

3 

o 

, 

3 

o 

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Eh 

1        ^ 

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^ 

II 

282 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


.1" 


eg  I 


•^ 


fe 
*& 


1 

i 

M 

% 

> 

< 

1 

^1| 





1       1    .    1    .  «-" 

-            .       .       .       .-H 

- 

3§i 

r   1   1  ^csi 

CO          1      1      1   -H    1 

«      .1.1. 

1            III   C<l<>4 

■«i< 

1   t   i  ^  1 

-   ....  1 

1       III ^^ 

<M          III    N'^* 

M 

1    1    1  ^^ 

(N          ...11 

1       I.I.I 

1            II.   ^i-i 

CO 

I^S 

.-.-« 

U3          ...   i-H'-i 

IM          .      .      .      .   >0 

«0            1    »-l     1    C<»05 

<M 

33 

1      1    ^    1    (M 

eo        ...  'H.-^ 

«            1       .       .       .    T-4 

_l       1    1  ^^^ 

to 

1   T-Hb-OJ«0 

§3        '    "^""" 

00          1      .      1    (M    1 

<M        .  i-ia>coco 

eo 

2S 

1  eoiM^^ 

t^       ...    1    1 

1            .      1    T-l    .      . 

<-H        1  eoeo-Hi-H 

00 

H 

^lOTjt,^     1 

^        1    1  »-<   1    1 

r^           ..III 

1          rH»0»0^     1 

(M 

S3 

1  ".nec^  1 

00           ,      .      ,      .^ 

^       .    1  e^  1    1 

(N           1    -^larH,^ 

- 

1    CSIC*^     1 

•O          .11^. 

^       ,    1^1    . 

^        1  Neoe*   1 

t~ 

55 

1    ^tH^     ( 

CO          1      1      1      t      1 

1        1    1    1    1    1 

.         .—   . 

CO 

1* 

1   1   1   1   1 

.       ....   1 

.        .1.1. 

1         1    1    1    1    1 

' 

^1 

Tt<ec<r>t^o 

100.0 

18T7 

56.3 
25.0 

100.0 

26.6 
20.0 
53.4 

100.0 

1.0 
16.8 
26.7 
29.7 
25.7 

0 

s 

Number 
reporting 
Earnings, 
Age  and 
Living 
Conditions. 

-^^^25  ;2; 

g       .    .  eoojT** 

0        .     1  •.*<eooo 

s  -"J^^gg 

0 

Age. 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over. 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over. 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over, 

Under  16, 
16  and  17, 
18  to  20,     . 
21  to  24,     . 
25  and  over. 

O 

1 

1 

a 

is 

Total 

Living  at  home,  no  male  wage 
earner  in  the  family. 

^1     ■ 

< 

1 

1 

I 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


283 


a^i 

1  1  1  1  1 

1 

■  1  1  1  1 

1    1    1    1    1 

, 

1   1   1   1   1 

1 

C3Q 

3g 

1  1  1  1  1 

1  1  1  1  1 

, 

1    1    1    1    t 

, 

1   1   1   1   1 

1 

»» 

§3§ 

1  1  1  1  1 

1 

1,1,1 

, 



, 

1   1   1   1   1 

1 

1 

««■      M- 

55 

1  1  t  ^•<t< 

U3 

1  1  1  1  1 

1      1      1      1   C4 

e^ 

1      1      1    '-KO 

t^ 

ss; 

, 

a 

S^^ 

1    1    1  eooo 

^ 

1     1     1     1  eo 

eo 

1      1      1   -^-1 

(N 

1      1      1    -"JtlM 

o 

p: 

a  » 

■< 

53 

1    1  eooo 

«* 

\     \  a   \  ■^ 

eo 

1      1      .      1^ 

- 

1      1    UiUiCO 

00 

^^^ 

1    1  eooo 

§3 

1       1    »-CN»-( 

■«*< 

1      1      1      1   ^ 

^ 

1      1    -^^^^ 

^ 

H 

s  » 

O 

2S 

55 

1    C<l»-<^CJ 

« 

1      1   'H    1      1 

^ 

1      1      1      1      1 

1 

1  eo<M^(N 

t^ 

> 
< 

»JS 

SpS 

1  ec«o^   1 

O 

1    'H^     1       1 

<M 

1      1      1   ^    1 

rH 

r   rJHt^(M    1 

2 

1* 

s^ai 

(U 

n 

5s 

rHTtleO     1      1 

00 

1  -1  1   1   1 

^ 

1      1      1      1      1 

1 

i-liOCO    1      1 

a> 

^S 

^2; 

^s^- 
s  » 

1  M    1  ^    1 

tH 

1  ^  t  1  1 

^ 

1      1      1      1      1 

, 

1   ■*    1   rH    1 

lO 

53 

1  (N    1     1     1 

(N 

1   1   1   1   1 

1 

1      1      1      i      1 

, 

1    IN    1      1      1 

(M 

»» 

^: 

1  ^   1    1    1 

^ 

1  1  1  1  1 

, 

1      1      1      1      1 

, 

1   ^    1      1      1 

flS 

p 

i--^ 

Cd  »-<  ec  CO  th 

O 

Ofoeoeo 

O 

«OtJ< 

o 

O»-iO00i-i 

O 

£i 

-^22^^ 

s 

§?32?§ 

§ 

St:: 

s 

-"^§§5^ 

8 

Number 
reporting 
Earnings, 
Age  and 
Living 
Conditions. 

-"JSSSg 

S8 

1  ec»o<N»o 

ua 

1      1      1    IMU5 

t^ 

-^ss^s 

J^ 

•  -g      • 

. 

•  .fe    . 

.....  . 

1 

^        0-*   "^ 

S^o-.'^ 

'*'^*  .  .o 

t5-ON(Nt3 

J^TJC^fNTJ 

|g22g 

|i25§ 

'i§55g 

|g55g 

PSS2;3^     . 

1 

1 

o 

■1 

s 

a>. 

S  >, 

g 

c^l 

§1 

o 

«42 

-«« 

o 

o 

J5 

N        . 

C3 

> 

J3 

-1          3 

*"S        1 

1 

1 

1^ 
;3 

^ 

^ 

*> 

< 

^ 

?■ 

^ 

284 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


•I 


C3S 


I 


o»'3  fe 

1    t    r    1  (M 

(N 

1    1    1    1  eo 

CO 

.   .   1   1  . 

1    1    1    1  <o 

« 

«o 

2S 

1        1       1        1    'H 

^ 

1      1     1     1   tH 

^ 

...    1. 

^ 

.     1     .     1  eo 

CO 

<Sao 

«*S 

ScS 

1      1      1      1    IM 

<N 

1      1      1      1   <M 

M 

1      1      1      1    <M 

(M 

.     .     .     .  «0 

CO 

1 

Si^S 

33 

1      1    ,-(^0 

00 

1      1      1      1    <M 

<M 

.      1      1      1   <N 

CM 

1    1  ..o 

(M 

o 

SS 

^ 

1      1      1   -^JC 

s 

1      1      1    ^00 

o 

..II. 

'^ 

.  ,  l«^ 

S 

O 

23 

1     1     1  eo«o 

00 

1   1   1  t-l^ 

<M 

.      .      .      .. 

.    1    1  -^t^ 

- 

1    -^t^CSlTH 

^ 

..... 

«o 

..... 

cs. 

•<* 

33 

1  .leoeo   1 

t^ 

, 

.      .      1    .    . 

^ 

1  rneo-*    1 

00 

> 

>AiA 

< 

♦»«♦ 

Pi 

1     THt>.|>C^ 

- 

....  1 

- 

III.. 

- 

1  .QOt^eo 

2 

23 

1     1  <M   1     1 

<N 

..... 

, 

.III! 

. 

1      1   <M    .      . 

CM 

5iS 

:^ 

SoS 

1    T-HIM    1      1 

eo 

1   ...   1 

. 

...     1     1 

. 

.  .e^  .    . 

eo 

S*^» 

33 

1   r^    1      1      1 

^ 

...   1   1 

, 

.III. 

. 

1  .  1    1    1 

^ 

»» 

'2« 

' 

III.. 

1 

11.11 

1 

^«» 

P 

^-ti 

l«00i-lO 

o 

a>u»«o 

o 

oo 

o 

-*t^OJO 

o 

-'o» 

^2^^ 

1 

"  =  S 

I 

s§ 

8 

^■|2SS 

1 

Number 
reporting 
Earnings, 
Age  and 
Living 
Conditions. 

1    IO(MOoJ< 

1    1  .eo<M 

«o 

.      1      1    .O) 

o 

1    U3  M  ■*  U9 

t>. 

C^-.1<T»« 

^ 

(M 

(M 

(M-^t^ 

rt< 

b 

1 

cot-            > 

eei^T          > 

o^.-•    'I 

«  ^.-        •  ^ 

---^o^"® 

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--^0^"° 

»--0<NC^T3 

j^-OCsjimtS 

fr-tJC^IN-C 

I.-CIMC^'O 

|§22g 

I—'  1-11^  OQ  est 

|§22§ 

fsssg 

JJ  fl  o  o  fl 
^  0333  oJ 

►-.tooo.io 

« 

<B 

g> 

^ 

^ 

^ 

g 

^ 

(O 

o 

OS 

Si 

a>. 

Q 

o 

:-l 

i 

O 

> 

13 

_; 

"3 

"3 

h^l 

13 

^ 

^2 
■1- 

■g 

4^- 

o 

■S 

H 

H 

H 

< 

H 

I 


H 

I 


rf 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


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MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Average  Annual  and  Average  Hourly  Earnings  of  Women  Wage  Earners 
investigated  in  Retail  Stores,  classified  hy  Weekly  Earnings. 


Women  who  worked  through- 
out the  Year. 

All  Women. 

Average  Weekly 

Earnings 

(Wage  Group). 

Number 

reporting 

Annual 

Earnings. 

Average 

Annual 

Earnings. 

Average 
Annual 
Eaminga 
divided 
by  52. 

Number 
reporting 

Hourly 
Earnings. 

Average 

Hourly 

Earnings. 

Under  13.00, 

18. 

$138  17 

$2  66 

120 

$0  03 

$3.00-$3.49 

73 

167  30 

3  22 

272 

05 

$3.50-  3.99 

80 

189  48 

3  64 

231 

07 

$4.00-  4.49 

70 

213  65 

4  11 

186 

07 

$4.50-  4.99 

95 

241  21 

4  64 

275 

08 

$5.00-  5.49 

67 

248  57 

4  78 

215 

09 

$5.50-  5.99 

271 

293  42 

5  64 

620 

09 

$6.00-  6.49 

145 

271  22 

5  22 

310 

09 

$6.50-  6.99 

260 

346  47 

6  66 

502 

10 

$7.00-  7.49, 

130 

367  58 

7  07 

259 

10 

$7.50-  7.99 

192 

393  02 

7  56 

332 

11 

$8.00-  8.99 

90 

421  68 

8  11 

160 

13 

$9.00-  9.99 

19 

470  91 

9  10 

33 

15 

$10.00-11.99 

28 

562  20 

10  81 

44 

21 

$12.00  and  over. 

5 

702  76 

13  51 

12 

27 

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1,533 

$313  26 

$6  02 

3,761 

$0  08 

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HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


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16  and  17 

18  to  20 

25  and  over, 

1 

1 

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4 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


289 


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1 

290 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


1 

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HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


291 


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HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


293 


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HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


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HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


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Number 
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Earnings, 
Ages  and 

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earner  in 

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312 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


313 


Average 

Weekly 

Earnings  of 

those 

working 

Part  of  the 

Year. 

s: 

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314 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


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1 


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reporting 
Experience 

and 
Earnings. 

^ll^g^^ssg?^ 

' 

00Ot^-<»<O00cO00l>rtti-5 

' 

i 

5 

1 

H 

1 

In  this  trade:  — 
Under  1  year, 

1  and  under  2  years,     . 

2  and  under   4  years,    . 
4  and  under    6  years,    . 
6  and  under    8  years,    . 
8  and  under  10  years,    . 

10  and  under  12  years,    . 
12  and  undet  16  years, 
16  and  under  21  years,    . 
21  and  under  30  years,    . 
30  years  and  over,  . 

In  all  trades:  — 
Under  1  year, 

1  and  under    2  years 

2  and  under    4  years 
4  and  under    6  years 
6  and  under    8  years 
8  and  under  10  years 

10  and  under  12  years 
12  and  under  16  years 
16  and  under  21  years 
21  and  under  30  years 
30  years  and  over,  . 

I 


•I 


I 


1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


315 


I 


t 


^ 


fe 


I 

« 1. 


Ah 


M    b 

o 


ao 


D 


CO  .-I  I    I    I    I  00  <o  ■*  eo  CO  OS  Tf*  oj  CO  o  00  CO  i  t^ 


ooosooooe<»»c«ot>-t~iMcoi-it--oc^t~oeoo 

»0  0JOOOO05<3>0SOa>l^l0  0>00  00t~00O^O 


io»-toooooot*«sc^oo«!i<cjt^oooe>iot^eM 
eo  ^»  U5  O  O  «5  O  t—*  »-J  lO  kO  o  or  j  ■^'  o  o  o  «o  o  o  c^i 
■<i»<k0  00OO00  00aS0S50t^»0CSIOt^00«Gt»Oi-lt^ 


«0'^^H^co«o»^eocMt^t^»o»oe<500o«oo   i  •^ 


«Oi-it~ecooi-HO>(M«ooo50»-iTj.«oooor»o      m- 

CJ  Cfl  «0 'S*  OS  t- «0  OS  t^  »0  CO  ec  »H  eo  «0  «0  >0  Tl<  O       Til 


OS  I  eooo«o.-i«t>.u'30co500t~0(Mio  i    i  n 

O        T*<  O  <N  00  ■*  CO  IC  C<l  »0  (m'  CC  «>-'  50  O  Kl  OS  Co' 

1-1      THCsit^cieo-^ecesjMr-i      y-i      <m(m  cm 


C4    t     I     I  •^    I  tocqococoos    I  OSCO    I  <-!    I     I     I  <-■ 

ci  ei     ci  o  lo  o  00*  »-•     usco     i-i  i-i 


»0 


t:*  w^ta      ooeoosco 


o  I  »-i  «o  MS  e^  rH  t-.  U5  00  CO  OS  CO  ec  N  t-t  ■*  eq  i    i  •^j* 


I  CO  I  eo "* i>" us ^H <o  I  i-i.-(  I  e<i  I    I    I 


a 


316 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Women  Wage  Earners  working 
at  Various  Wage  Levels  as  reported  by  the  Employer  in  Several 
Laundries  employing  under  20  Workers. 


Laun- 
dries 
re- 
porting. 

Cumulative  Per  Cent,  op  Number  of  Women 

EMPLOYED  AT  WaQE  LeVELS  OP  — 

Localities. 

Under 
$5. 

Under 
$6. 

Under 
$7. 

Under 
$8. 

$8  and 
Over. 

Boston  and  Cambridge, 

Suburban  Boston, 
Other  large  cities, 

Towns 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 

1 
2 
3 
4 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 

1 
2 
3 
4 
6 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 

52.7 
15.8 

58T3 

36T4 
66.6 
25.0 
76.0 
12.0 
28.5 
50.0 

I6T7 
30.0 

89.4 
52.6 
13.3 

60.0 
18.7 

looTo 

83T4 

36T4 
66.6 
50.0 
100.0 
25.0 
42.8 
50.0 

26T6 

25.0 
60.0 
16.7 

100.0 
89.6 
13.3 
25.0 
62.5 
33.3 

66.2 
46.1 

100.0 

83T4 

36.4 
66.6 
50.0 
100.0 
37.5 
42.8 
66.7 

60T0 

4oTo 
28.6 
16.6 
66.7 
100.0 
16.7 

100.0 
89.5 
33.3 
50.0 
87.5 
83.3 

63.9 
61.5 
100.0 
100.0 

83T4 
75.0 
81.7 
88.8 
87.5 
100.0 
60.0 
71.4 
66.7 
40.0 
50.0 
80.0 

70.6 
80.0 
42.9 
58.4 
83.3 
100.0 
16.7 

100.0 
50.0 

10.5 
66.7 
50.0 
12.5 
16.7 

31.1 
38.5 

100.0 
100.0 
16.6 
25.0 
18.3 
11.2 
12.6 

60.0 
28.6 
33.3 
60.0 
50.0 
20.0 

29.4 
20.0 
67.1 
41.6 
16.7 

83.3 
100.0 

50T0 

1912.1 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


317 


Cumulative  Per  Cent,  of  the  Number  of  Women  Wage  Earners  working 
at  Various  Wage  Levels  as  reported  by  the  Employers  in  Several 
Laundries  employing  over  20  Workers. 


C3 

Cumulative  Per  Cent 

.   OP 

:3  a 

Number  of  Women  employed  i 

1 

3 

Age  of 
Workers. 

AT  Wage  Levels  of 

— 

•s|| 

Localities. 

1 

t 

1 

2i 

1 

eS 

u 

s 

p 

t> 

^ 

(S 

Boston  and  Cambridge, 

1 

Under  18,    . 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

7.4 

2 

Under  18,    . 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

7.1 

3 

Under  18,   . 

50.0 

87.5 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

29.3 

1 

18  and  over. 

18.0 

48.0 

64.0 

66.0 

34.0 

92.6 

2 

18  and  over, 

_ 

7.5 

23.0 

38.0 

62.0 

92.9 

3 

18  and  over, 

- 

15.8 

42.1 

63.2 

36.8 

70.7 

1 

All  workers, 

24.2 

55.5 

65.2 

78.8 

21.2 

100.0 

2 

All  workers. 

14.3 

28.3 

42.9 

57.1 

100.0 

3 

All  workers. 

14.8 

37.0 

59.7 

74.1 

25.9 

100.0 

Suburban  Boston,  . 

1 

Under  18,   . 

33.3 

33.3 

66.6 

100.0 

_ 

8.2 

2 

Under  18,    . 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

10.0 

3 

Under  18,    . 

60.0 

80.0 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

17.9 

1 

18  and  over. 

_ 

5.8 

29.2 

53.0 

47.0 

91.8 

2 

18  and  over. 

- 

7.4 

22.2 

77.8 

22.2 

90.0 

3 

18  and  over, 

- 

8.7 

8.7 

34.8 

65.2 

82.1 

1 

All  workers, 

2.7 

8.2 

32.4 

56.7 

43.3 

100.0 

2 

All  workers, 

10.0 

16.3 

30.0 

80.0 

20.0 

100.0 

3 

All  workers. 

10.7 

21.5 

25.0 

46.5 

53.5 

100.0 

Large  cities  outside  of  Boston, 

1 
2 
3 

Under  18,    . 
Under  18,    . 
Under  18,    . 

18.1 

72.7 

100.0 

100.0 

- 

17.4 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

4 

Under  18,    . 

50.0 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

_ 

7.7" 

5 

Under  18,    . 

50.0 

50.0 

50.0 

9.1 

6 

Under  18,    . 

100.0 

looTo 

100.0 

100.0 

100.0 

9.5 

7 

Under  18,   . 

1 

18  and  over. 

1.9 

21.6 

49.0 

78.8 

21.2 

82.6 

•  2 

18  and  over. 

7.2 

23.6 

67.2 

81.9 

18.1 

100.0 

3 

18  and  over. 

.  _ 

7.2 

19.1 

33.4 

66.6 

100.0 

4 

18  and  over, 

_ 

12.5 

25.0 

45.9 

54.1 

92.3 

, 

5 

18  and  over. 

_ 

_ 

50.0 

75.0 

25.0 

90.9 

6 

18  and  over, 

_ 

31.6 

63.2 

78.9 

21.1 

90.5 

7 

18  and  over. 

- 

15.0 

80.0 

20  0 

100.0 

1 

All  workers. 

4.8 

30.6 

58.0 

82.3 

17.7 

100.0 

2 

All  workers. 

7.2 

23.6 

67.2 

81.9 

18.1 

100.0 

3 

All  workers. 

_ 

7.2 

19.1 

33.4 

66.6 

100.0 

4 

All  workers. 

3.7 

19.2 

30.8 

50.0 

50.0 

100.0 

5 

All  workers. 

_ 

- 

50.0 

72.8 

27.2 

100.0 

6 

All  workers. 

9.5 

38.0 

66.7 

81.0 

19.0 

100.0 

7 

AH  workers. 

15.0 

80.0 

20.0 

100.0 

318 


MINIMUM  WAGE  BOARDS. 


[Jan. 


1 
o 

i 

K 

8 

i 

111 

1        O       00       »•       t- 

«;      1 

1^1 

T(<     «o     o     «o     e* 

s  s  §■  s  § 

5  • 

51 

■   <o       -«»<       Cfl       00       « 

§■   SS    §   5i   s 

o 

8 

1 

o 

i 

» 

n 
s 

15 

ill 

2    1 

1        rH       eo       ^       N 

t»    -^ 

eo 

III 

*-  s  §  s  s 

eo      «o 

1* 

f2 

IJ 

g  g  §  g  5 

1  s 

Number 
reporting 

as  to 
Contribu- 
tions and 

Age. 

§  §  1  g  g 

f  s 

i 

< 

:i 

1 

Under  16,     . 
16  and  17,     . 
18  to  20, 
21  to  24, 
25  and  over, 

Total,     . 

Total  for  Boston  k 

1912.] 


HOUSE  — No.  1697. 


319 


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